China News Service Beijing, June 30th Question: How can Hong Kong further leverage its advantages in the national development strategy?
Author Chen Xinxin Director and researcher of the Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao Law Research Center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Hong Kong has made world-renowned achievements in the 225 years since its return to the motherland, and has also experienced ups and downs. What will Hong Kong rely on in the future? What does development depend on? Does Hong Kong still have a unique function in the national development strategy? Hong Kong compatriots and all sectors of society are extremely concerned.
1. Hong Kong’s unique strategic role as a bridge and liaison station between China and the West is supported by special historical causes and realistic and objective needs of both sides.
Since the founding of New China in 1949, mainland China began to fully implement the new democratic system, and in a relatively short period of time Transition to socialist system within a certain period of time. In order to meet the needs of ideological confrontation, the major developed capitalist countries adopted strategic blockade measures against mainland China. Hong Kong, which was still under the rule of the British Hong Kong authorities, began to play a strategic role, that is, as a means to implement new democracy. It serves as a bridge and liaison station between Mainland China, which has a socialist system, and major developed countries that implement a capitalist system.
Although there are sharp contradictions and differences in ideology and social systems between China and the major developed capitalist countries, and even antagonism, both sides need such a bridge and liaison station to maintain the relationship between the two sides. exchanges and normal trade. Therefore, the survival or failure of Hong Kong's strategic function cannot be determined by the subjective wishes of the two opposing parties, but is determined by the objective interests and needs of both parties. If any party fails to act in accordance with objective needs and corresponding laws, it will suffer greater losses in national interests, or at least lose substantial profit opportunities.
It is precisely because this strategic role of Hong Kong is jointly needed by China and major developed country groups that the two sides were able to adopt tacit understanding during the Cold War to reserve the necessary political and institutional space for Hong Kong, and to accept the adoption of Sino-British negotiations after the end of the Cold War. The joint statement , on the premise of confirming China's sovereignty over Hong Kong, will resolve the Hong Kong issues left over from history in a peaceful manner through " one country, two systems " and restore China's exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong so that Hong Kong can continue to maintain and exert this strategic function. China and the UK must respect history, respect reality, respect objective interests and needs and the laws of development of human civilization and society, and adopt a pragmatic attitude to reach consensus.
On July 1, 1997, when the countdown to Hong Kong's return to the motherland was zero minutes and zero seconds, people participating in the celebration in Beijing's Tiananmen Square waved national flags and regional flags and cheered warmly. Photo by Wang Yao, China News Service
2. System contradictions and the anti-China behavior of some governments and politicians cannot stop Hong Kong’s strategic functions
In recent years, frictions between China and the United States have intensified, and anti-China hostile forces have carried out activities in Hong Kong that endanger China’s national security. This led to the "black violence" incident in Hong Kong. With the support of the central government, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government has taken decisive measures in accordance with the law to curb the development of "black violence" and stabilize social order and the situation in Hong Kong. However, many people, especially those working in the financial, economic and trade fields, have strong worries and hesitations about Hong Kong's future prospects.
We should adopt a dialectical attitude in understanding this issue. On the one hand, we must face up to the aftermath of the "black violence" incident in Hong Kong, especially the current international political background. It is important for Hong Kong to continue to serve as a bridge and liaison station between mainland China, which implements a socialist system, and major developed country groups that implement a capitalist system. A strategic function that poses great challenges. Hong Kong's role also needs to be adjusted accordingly as it advances with the times.
The golden Hong Kong International Financial Center Phase 2 (middle) and International Commerce Center (left). Photo by China News Service reporter Zhang Wei
On the other hand, we must also realize that it is precisely because of the demand for this strategic function of Hong Kong by both sides of the confrontation that it has a strong objective reality and is not based on human will. The ideology and subjective wishes of one party can determine its survival or failure.The more the societies on both sides of the conflict develop and the gap in strength narrows, the more the demand for Hong Kong's strategic functions becomes long-term rather than temporary, and the more important it is to keep pace with the times rather than gradually become obsolete. This fundamentally determines that Hong Kong can and should continue to play its strategic role.
The so-called sanctions imposed on Hong Kong by some major developed countries will also harm their national interests and the common interests of relevant country groups. In the long run, it will be difficult to achieve consensus on group behavior. For the camp of capitalist countries, the will of domestic and international capital groups to pursue profit maximization cannot be effectively suppressed solely by the subjective wishes and ideologies of the governments of capitalist countries or certain politicians. On the contrary, capital groups will use the capitalist democratic system and the rule of law to make adjustments to politicians, or even governments and related legal systems that harm the fundamental interests of capital groups. Therefore, those American and Western politicians know clearly that they will never risk losing their ruling status or even the end of their political lives by engaging in political gambling that has no chance of winning.
3. Adhering to development as the center and fully and accurately implementing "one country, two systems" is the key to ensuring the normal performance of Hong Kong's strategic functions.
In the future, Hong Kong must play a good role as a bridge between mainland China that implements the socialist system and the major developed country groups that implement the capitalist system. The role of bridge and liaison station, in the final analysis, the overall level and quality of development in mainland China provides a source of confidence and a fundamental material foundation. Only when mainland China continues to develop with the times and improve the quality of development can it ensure that it has the strength and conditions to maintain a relatively equal relationship of cooperation and competition with major developed country groups, and can it support and enable major developed country groups to pursue their own goals even for their own sake. The national interests and fundamental interests of the group must also maintain and use Hong Kong as a liaison station and bridge with mainland China for a long time, and will not resort to sabotage simply because of differences, confrontation or even hostility in ideologies and social systems. A decisive measure to achieve this strategic function of Hong Kong. Because such unwise measures will harm rather than benefit their national interests and the fundamental interests of capital groups. This is the objective material basis for the future strategic functions of Hong Kong not to be purely based on the subjective wishes of some people. The situation is stronger than the people. Adhering to comprehensively deepening reform and opening up and continuously enriching the connotation of "one country, two systems" are the key to us doing our own things well and developing ourselves well.
The Golden Bauhinia Square in Hong Kong taken in 2007. Photo by China News Service reporter Ren Haixia
Therefore, by fully and accurately implementing "one country, two systems" so that China and major developed country groups that have ideological and institutional opposition or even confrontation can obtain reasonable, sufficient and sustainable benefits through Hong Kong, we can Fundamentally ensure Hong Kong’s bridge and liaison station functions. Recognizing the nature of the development and changes of objective laws can increase our confidence. (End)
About the author:
Pictures provided by interviewees
Chen Xinxin, director and researcher of the Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau Law Research Center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. The main research areas involve law, "one country, two systems" theory and legal practice. His major works include: "Strategies for Governing the Country by Law", "Research on One Country, Two Systems Decision-Making", "Comparative Constitutional Studies", "WTO and China's Administrative and Legal Reform", "Legal Protection of Freedom of Expression", "Information Freedom and Information Security", etc.; representative papers mainly include: " "Coordination of Constitutional Review between the Central Government and the Hong Kong SAR", "Judicial Coordination between Hong Kong and the Mainland", "Judicial Protection of Freedom of Association", "Legal Implications of Freedom of Expression", etc. He has participated in the " Higher Education Law ", "Legislation Law", "Property Rights Law", " Tort Liability Law ", "Secrecy Law", "Cryptozoology Law", " Network Security Law " and "Decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress on Network Information Protection" Legislative consulting work related to laws and decisions. As one of the five mainland legal experts, he provided advisory opinions on the revision of the chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the method of forming the Legislative Council. Entrusted by the former Legislative Affairs Office of the State Council, he participated in the administrative approval and administrative regulations review work of the State Council.
