The Macau Xinhua Australian News published an article by Fu Quan today saying that the conclusion of the consultation meeting of the Kuomintang think tank reported to the General Assembly on the 18th, the content mentioned and the reactions it triggered have also attracted the attention of the other strait. The Global Times published on the 19th reported that it was reported, and quoted indirect or direct critical analysis by Ma Shaozhang, former vice chairman of the Straits Foundation, Zhao Chunshan, a scholar at Tamkang University, Pang Jianguo, a scholar at the Chinese University of Culture, and Hong Kong China Review News Agency. These comments point out that it is really a big mistake if the Kuomintang thinks that it can change its destiny if it does not talk about the "1992 Consensus" or changes its course or abandons it. If you misjudged the cause and prescribed the wrong prescription, it can only accelerate the disappearance of the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang has always advocated that the "1992 Consensus" is a historical fact, and it is both a historical fact. How can we change our courses and review it? More importantly, this is a consensus between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in various ways. The unilateral change of course is equivalent to one-sided breaking of the contract. What is the basis for future consultation and exchanges with the mainland? If the Kuomintang believes that the DPP’s victory is due to its successful cross-strait discourse, it is necessary to learn from the DPP, which is to imitate the DPP. Therefore, the Kuomintang should allow the "1992 Consensus" to continue to play the role of "shelf disputes and carry out exchanges" to leave vitality for the benign interaction and peaceful development between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, and not let Tsai Ing-wen lead the nose foolishly. If the Kuomintang abandons this fundamental basis for settling down, it means that it loses political chips in the island's electoral politics and embarks on the path of a similar Democratic Progressive Party; it means that it will no longer take on heavy responsibilities and lose its role as a bridge and link in cross-strait relations. In this way, the continuous political confrontation between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait will become a normal state.
Since this is a report of the Kuomintang think tank and the conclusion of the think tank consultation meeting, it can only be regarded as a document with a lower level of the Kuomintang. It has no binding force and is just a suggestion nature, and the Party Central Committee also has the power to not accept it. This is different from the fact that after Tsai Ing-wen lost the election as a leader in Taiwan in 2012, she lamented that she was still "the last mile" in cross-strait relations policy. Therefore, the DPP held a "China Affairs Debate" called "Huashan Sword Controversy" and concluded as a guide for the DPP to adjust its cross-strait policies. In fact, even so, the later party chairman Su Zhenchang and Tsai Ing-wen did not implement it seriously, and even Tsai Ing-wen went in the opposite direction, causing a wave of "terrorism and anti-China".
However, will the Central Committee of the Kuomintang introduce the main content of the conclusions of this think tank consultation meeting into the report of the "Reform Commission", and will the report of the "Reform Commission" containing this content be included in the Kuomintang's platform of the 20th "Percentral Congress" of the 20th "Percentral Congress" held between summer and autumn this year? It is worth noting. If this is the case, it is likely to arouse opposition from some party representatives. In fact, among the party representatives, many of them came from Huang Fuxing’s Party Headquarters.
But in any case, the "pro-American alliance with Japan and China" strategy of Party Chairman Jiang Qichen has basically been established. Jiang Qichen met with Kuang Yingjie, director of the Taipei Office of the American Association in Taiwan, on the surface, which was a "routine business", but the intention of "running to Liangshan" to surrender was more obvious. Of course, the United States may also be happy to see it "sell itself and defect to others" or even take the initiative to tempt it. Although ideologically, the United States may be more able to accept the various discourses in the DPP’s party platform (except for the “Taiwan independence” part), it is not pleasant to see that Taiwan is governed by the same political party for a long time, and hopes that party rotation can occur in a timely manner. Therefore, although the United States is now leaning towards the DPP, it has not completely abandoned the Kuomintang. And more importantly, we must hold the Kuomintang down, and we should not "get too close" to the mainland like its former chairman Lien Chan and Wu Boxiong, nor do we want it to negotiate with mainland China like Ma Ying-jeou during his reign, but instead let Taiwan Island continue to play the role of "not sinking aircraft carrier". As long as the Kuomintang can also achieve "DPPization", the United States is happy to see and support the "normal party rotation" in Taiwan. Therefore, the United States’ policy is to prepare to “accept all” to both the Democratic Progressive Party and the Kuomintang.
In fact, the United States initially supported the Democratic Progressive Party because it was dissatisfied with the Kuomintang's long-term rule and implemented dictatorship and trampled on human rights. Therefore, it was secretly supported by the Democratic Progressive Party's slogan "anti-dictatorship, anti-persecution; struggle for democracy, human rights" and accepted the fact that the overseas "Taiwan independence" base camp was transferred from Japan to the United States. However, some of the DPP's practices of "chasing" the Kuomintang have fallen into the quagmire of the Kuomintang back then, which is a reaction against its banner of "anti-dictatorship, anti-persecution; struggle for democracy, and human rights." Therefore, the United States still based on the principle of "universal values" and hopes that party rotation in Taiwan can also become the norm. But the prerequisite is that the Kuomintang must carry out the "reform" of "de-Singapore". Therefore, if we hope that the United States will "salvate the water" unless the Kuomintang is completely "DPP-like". This is the only way to ensure that Taiwan Island is always in the hands of Uncle Sam.
This makes Jiang Qichen, who is studying for a master's degree in international affairs and a doctorate in international relations in the United States, has become unstable. On the one hand, he was also bound by the Kuomintang's historical traditions and party constitution and party platform, and could not abandon the "god card" of the "One China Constitution" brought by the Kuomintang from the mainland; on the other hand, he was also concerned about the Kuomintang's ability to rule again - not only for the "magic skill" of regaining power for the Kuomintang, but also for the political interests of the top leaders of the Kuomintang, including himself. Therefore, it is quite dilemma. However, in the mind of Jiang Qichen, who grew up and formed a view of life with "drinking American water", and because of Jiang Qichen, who is regarded as a "pro-American faction", the political prospects and interests of the Kuomintang and its senior leaders are higher than those of cross-strait relations. Therefore, leaning towards the United States in terms of political feelings has almost become his choice. To this end, the gradual "Democratic Progressive Partyization" of the Kuomintang and the final abandonment of the "One China Constitution" may have become the main direction of Jiang Qichen's "reform" of the Kuomintang.
Jiang Qichen finally made up this decision, which may also be closely related to the "deep lesson" of Han Kuo-yu . In fact, Han Kuo-yu was elected and appointed mayor of Kaohsiung , and after a powerful "Korean wave" was triggered, it attracted high attention from the United States. Kwong Ying-jee also made a special trip to Kaohsiung to secretly meet him and arranged for him to visit the United States to essentially "show loyalty and sincere" to Washington. But later, Han Kuo-yu suddenly canceled his visit to the United States on the grounds of being nervous about the election, which made Washington so angry that he "blowed his beard and shy his eyes." On the contrary, "future stars" such as Lai Ching-te and Zheng Wencan of the DPP are running towards the United States in a steady stream. This led to the United States' final "decision", supporting Tsai Ing-wen "one-sidedly", and even used the "big killing weapon" of the "Five Eyes Alliance" to direct the farce of the "Communist Spy Case", which has always left Han Kuo-yu with only the only chance to be beaten. This should be deeply impressed and unforgettable to Jiang Qichen, who is familiar with American international relations theory.
But Jiang Qichen is still in the "last hesitation". Therefore, on the eve of the Central Standing Committee meeting when the Kuomintang decided to establish a "Reform Commission" and listened to the report of the think tank consultation meeting, he met with Kwong Yingjie on the same day and expressed his opinion to Hung Hsiu-chu , "both Taiwanese and Chinese." When the latter caused the DPP to rebound, Ke Zhien, the deputy secretary-general of the Kuomintang, appointed by it, "interpreted the painting" on his behalf, claiming that his "Republic of China" refers to Taiwan, and towards the DPP-style interpretation of "The Republic of China is Taiwan". After that, Jiang Qichen had no objection to this "interpretation", which means that Jiang Qichen acknowledged the "Taiwan Independence Theory".
So, he reused the pro-American scholar Huang Kuibo as the deputy secretary-general of the Kuomintang, which was equivalent to him going to take the pro-American route. Huang Kuibo was awarded the Fulbright Program Scholar Award in the United States, and went to the Institute of China, the Institute of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, as a visiting scholar, and went to the Center for East Asian Policy Research at the Brookings Institute in the United States as a visiting scholar. He has a close relationship with the United States. Jiang Qichen may use him as a "blind bamboo" to strengthen his relationship with the United States.
Of course, some people pointed out that Huang Kuibo also participated in cross-strait affairs research, and was even one of the four scholars who followed Ma Ying-jeou to Singapore during the "Xi-Ma Association".However, according to the book "Cross-Strait Adversity" written by Zhao Chunshan, a real cross-strait policy think tank, this list was not designated by Ma Ying-jeou, but on the eve of the "Xi-Ma Association", the chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council Xia Liyan invited Zhao Chunshan to participate in pre-session consultations with his Mainland Affairs Council working team as an advisor. Zhao Chunshan took the opportunity to submit requests to Xiao Xucen, deputy secretary-general of the Malay Affairs Office, and Gao Huazhu, secretary-general of the National Security Council, to let his assistant Chen Yipin and three professors who usually participate in think tank exchanges, Zhang Wuyue, , Huang Kuibo, and Zuo Zhengdong, take a special plane to accompany him in the name of an advisor. Xiao Gao and the other two agreed without thinking. In response, Zhao Chunshan sighed, "I know that someone on the plane is hard to come by, and they give me a lot of face."
That's all, how can it be? !
