After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek will launch the civil war . Liu Wenhui and our party continue to maintain friendly relations, but they have many concerns. In the spring of 1946, Chiang Kai-shek talked to Liu Wenhui in Chongqing. After Zhou Enlai found out, he immediately looked for him that night and asked him to understand the situation.
2. In March, shortly after the CPPCC closed, Zhou Enlai told Liu Wenhui through his friend of the Democratic League: "Whether the CPPCC resolution can be realized and whether the coalition government can be formed depends on how Chiang Kai-shek takes next. It cannot be decided now. But no matter how it evolves, struggle is inevitable, and we must not relax our vigilance against Chiang Kai-shek for a moment." He specifically reminded him: The future regime problem depends entirely on the will of the people. If the people don't want him, no one can stand it. I hope Liu will do a better job in Xikang to gain the support of the people.
Liu Wenhui felt that Zhou Enlai's words not only explained the political situation to him, but also pointed out the political future to him. He deeply felt that Chiang Kai-shek's group regarded him as a thorn in his eyes, excluded him politically and oppressed him militarily, and wanted to get rid of it before he was willing to do so; and Communist Party extended a hand of friendship to him, cared for him sincerely, and supported him enthusiastically. This personal experience made him make a choice, abandon Chiang Kai-shek's group and follow the Communist Party.
On November 30, 1949, Chongqing was liberated, Chiang Kai-shek fled to Chengdu in a hurry. In the afternoon of the same day, he summoned Liu Wenhui and Xiong Kewu to talk, asking them to cooperate with Wang Lingji to resist in Chengdu, and took out 50,000 yuan in foreign exchange and asked his family to go to Taiwan first, but Liu politely refused. On the morning of December 7, Chiang Kai-shek's servant room called Liu Wenhui and said that Jiang asked Liu to go for a conversation at 4 pm.
Liu felt that it would not work anymore, so he ran from Chengdu to Pengxian at 1 pm that day and revolted with Deng Xihou and Pan Wenhua. Their uprising had a great impact on the Kuomintang army, and then several large troops, Dong Songheng, Luo Guangwen, and Chen Kefei, , , revolted one after another. Liu Wenhui: Going to the people is an important achievement of the Party’s united front policy. It embodies Zhou Enlai’s efforts here!
Deng Xihou is also a representative figure of Sichuan local powerhouses, and has served as important positions such as Sichuan governor and 28th Army commander. He also advocated the anti-Japanese war. He volunteered to kill the enemy in the early stages of the War of Resistance. He was appointed commander-in-chief of the 22nd Army and led his troops to the Shanxi front. In late autumn of 1937, the weather was already very cold and the soldiers were in thin clothes. He asked Yan Xishan, the commander of the Second World War Zone, to reissue equipment, but Yan ignored it and did not even give a Shanxi military map. At this time, Zhou Enlai was in Taiyuan. Knowing about this, he personally sent a Japanese military map seized in the Battle of Pingxingguan and introduced the situation of the Anti-Japanese War in Shanxi in detail.
Deng Xihou said with great emotion: "You are a timely helper, you are really a friend in times of trouble!" From then on, Deng Xihou respected Zhou Enlai very much and had a good impression of the Communist Party. His troops were trained in Hongdong, Shanxi, and Commander-in-Chief Zhu De personally visited him to talk about the issue of unity and war of resistance. Deng also invited Zhu De to speak to the Sichuan Army and taught guerrilla tactics. Since then, the two of them have been very close. Later, Deng was transferred back to Sichuan to serve as deputy director of Chongqing camp and director of Sichuan-Kang Pacification Office.
In 1938, Dong Biwu, Lin Boqu and Chen Shaoyu passed by Chengdu. In 1939, Peng Dehuai passed by Chengdu and met with Deng Xihou to analyze the anti-Japanese situation for him and enhance his confidence in anti-Japanese. Wu Yuzhang, Zhang Youyu and Luo Shiwen also met with Deng Xihou. Because Chiang Kai-shek's continued division and disintegration of Sichuan's local army, he was discriminated against when he left Sichuan. In his contact with the Communist Party, he personally experienced the value of unity and friendship. Compared with the two, Deng Xihoujia explored his understanding of the Communist Party and was willing to get close to the Communist Party.
In 1940, the "rice robbery incident" occurred in Chengdu. The Kuomintang spies were preparing to arrest the Communist Party of China member Yang Bokai . Deng Xihou asked someone to reveal the news to Yang, so that Yang could escape. After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Deng was appointed as the chairman of the Sichuan Provincial Government. Due to the needs of the civil war, Chiang Kai-shek wanted to recruit 120,000 men and 100,000 dan of military rations, but Deng Wanyan refused. Chiang Kai-shek was furious and forced Deng to resign as provincial chairman.
In June 1948, in order to differentiate the alien forces in Chengdu, Jiang Jieshi appointed Deng as the director of the Sichuan-Shaanxi Pacification Office, and wanted to transfer his troops to leave Sichuan and Hanzhong to cooperate with Hu Zongnan to defend the gate of Sichuan-North Sichuan-North Sichuan-4. Deng Xihou refused to take office on the pretext and left the troops in Chengdu.
When our Second Field Army marched into Sichuan, it sent people to convey the expectations of Commander Liu Bocheng and Political Commissar Deng Xiaoping for the Sichuan Army's soldiers to the generals, and brought the communication call sign and password of the Second Field Radio. Deng Xihou immediately set up a new radio station to keep in touch with Erye Radio. By this time he had made up his mind to revolt. When Chengdu troops were at the city, Deng Xihou saw that the time was ripe, and finally spoke to Liu Wenhui and Pan Wenhua to revolt.
Zhou Enlai also did a lot of work to Pan Wenhua. Pan was once the commander of the 23rd Army. After the War of Resistance began, he led his troops out of Sichuan to fight against Japan. Later, he returned to Sichuan to serve as the commander-in-chief of the 28th Army, commanding 5 divisions of the Liu Xiang system, two independent brigades and 16 security regiments, and troops. He is very strong.
In the summer of 1938, Dong Biwu and others passed by Chengdu and met with Pan Wenhua to explain the CCP’s anti-Japanese and national salvation policy and united front policy. Pan Wenhua expressed his support. In June of that year, Zhou Enlai sent Tang Wuyuan to Pan Wenhua's department as a liaison officer. At this time, Pan was the director of the Sichuan-Shaanxi Hubei-Border Pacification Office and was stationed in Langzhong, Sichuan. Pan Weitang is the deputy director of the Political Department of the Sui Office and is often in contact with the Chongqing Eighth Route Army Office.
A year later, Tang Wuyuan was transferred back to the Southern Bureau, and our party sent Gan Shuren to serve as the liaison work. Pan appointed him as the secretary of the lieutenant colonel of Sui Office to cover up his eyes and ears. Since then, Pan Wenhua has met secretly with Dong Biwu, Wang Ruofei and Lin Boqu, and talked about issues such as persisting in the War of Resistance and strengthening the unity of Sichuan and Kang.
In order to strengthen the contact, the Southern Bureau sent Qian Songfu and Jiang Hong to Pan's department to set up a secret radio station, providing Pan Wenhua with relevant documents from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and important telecommunications from Xinhua News Agency to Pan Wenhua, and also reported Pan's opinions and requirements and Sichuan Kang's military and political updates to the Southern Bureau. Only Pan and his son Pan Qingzhou, the commander of Bashan Security, and Song Zifeng, the director of the Electricity Affairs Office of the Sui Office, knew about this secret radio station. The radio station was set up for a period of time until the Sui Office was abolished after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, and Qian Songfu and his wife returned to Chongqing safely.
In Pan Wenhua's troops, many Communist Party members and progressive people served as lieutenant-level officers or were hired as consultants. He once appointed Communist Party member Tian Yiping as the manager of West China Daily, and Tian also founded West China Evening News. The progressive tendencies of these two newspapers made the Kuomintang a thorn in his side. The spy was about to arrest Tian Yiping, and Pan Wenhua immediately transferred him to the colonel's confidential secretary and protected him in the army, so that the spy did not dare to take action. There are several Communist Party members who are protected or rescued by him.
In addition to getting closer to the CCP, Pan Wenhua also actively supports the democratic movement. In 1944, according to Zhang Lan's introduction, Pan Wenhua and Liu Wenhui both secretly participated in the Democratic League and provided Zhang Lan with long-term political activities. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek was very jealous of Pan Wenhua and transferred his troops to several places to disperse his power and be under surveillance, but he still maintained contact with our party through Zhang Lan in Shanghai. On December 9, 1949, Pan Wenhua sent a telephone call to revolt in Peng County. This was the result of his long-term close cooperation with the Communist Party and an important achievement of Comrade Zhou Enlai and other comrades carrying out united front work on Pan.
Long Yun is the most powerful figure among the powerful local factions in the southwest. He is the chairman of Yunnan Province and has a heavy army. After the July 7th Incident broke out, Chiang Kai-shek held a national defense meeting in Nanjing and convened military and political chiefs from various provinces to participate. Zhu De and Ye Jianying were also invited to attend. When they arrived in Xi'an, Long Yun happened to fly from Kunming to Xi'an to fly to Nanjing. They and Long Yun took the same plane to Nanjing. As Zhu De and Ye Jianying's entourage, I also took this plane.
At this time, Zhou Enlai had arrived in Nanjing. In Nanjing, Long Yun invited Zhou Enlai and three others to have dinner. Zhou happened to be unable to participate because of the incident. Zhu De, Ye Jianying and Long Yun talked about the CCP’s anti-Japanese national united front and the issue of unity in all aspects to fight against Japan. Long Yun both agreed and said to Zhu and Ye: "I want to send some cadres to you to learn guerrilla tactics, okay?"
Zhu De replied: "It takes a long time to fight guerrilla to learn experience, and it is not possible to have a short time."Long Yun asked again: "How do we contact each other in the future?" "Zhu De said: "Contact by radio." "Zhu gave Long Yun a password book. Zhou Enlai knew about these things and felt that Long Yun was an important figure we must strive for. He also met Long Yun in Nanjing.
In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, the conflict between Yunnan local governments and the Kuomintang Central Committee became increasingly acute. When the Southern Bureau was established in 1939, Zhou Enlai instructed: "We must make full use of the conflict between Long Yun and Chiang Kai-shek and develop united front work. "It was decided that the former Secretary of the Yunnan Working Committee Li Qunjie would do the united front work of upper-class figures such as Yunnan, and indirectly publicize the CCP's policy proposals on the current situation to Long Yun through their relatives and the secretary-general of the provincial government.
In November 1940, " Xinhua Daily " specially sent reporters to Kunming to visit Long Yun, introducing him to the danger of separatist surrender in the War of Resistance and the CCP's policy of adhering to the end of the War of Resistance. Long Yun's attitude was clear, saying that "the enemy planned to step up the provocation and discord, and the whole country should step up unity and resist the war to the end. "
After the publication of the Xinhua Daily, Long Yun's conversation had a great impact on the consolidation of the anti-Japanese national united front in the southwest rear.
In April 1940, He Yingqin made a special trip to Kunming to urge Long Yun to establish a joint report meeting between the Party, Government and Military, and strengthen the prevention and suppression of the Communist Party of China and other democratic forces. The Yunnan Working Committee promptly explained the interests of Long Yun through the United Front target, pointing out that if this institution is established, the Kuomintang spies will take the opportunity to intervene in Yunnan, which will be detrimental to the major plan of the war of resistance, and the other will be unfavorable to the unfavorable places. Long Yun accepted this opinion and delayed the establishment of this institution on the grounds of excuses.
After the "South Anhui Incident", Chiang Kai-shek sent spy chief Kang Ze to Kunming with a list of arrests of Communist Party members and progressive elements, and instigating anti-communist forces. Long Yun refused to implement a large-scale arrest on the grounds that "can't produce evidence", which made the anti-communist plan of the diehards in Yunnan fail. Chiang Kai-shek was very annoyed.
In July of this year, He Yingqin went to Kunming again urged Long Yun to establish a report meeting on the party, government and military. Long Yun could not shirk responsibility and formed a report meeting with him personally to resist The control of the Kuomintang Central Committee. Interestingly, the secretary of the report meeting and the person who served as the meeting minutes was Li Qunjie, former secretary of the Yunnan Working Committee of the Communist Party of China. If the Kuomintang wants to arrest people, he promptly informed him. Under the dangerous situation after the "Southern Anhui Incident", due to the effective united front work of the Yunnan underground party, Long Yun weighed his own interests and losses, and made various forms of boycotting the anti-communist measures of the diehards, allowing the CCP organizations and party members to continue to lurk in their work.
