Late at night on July 18, former CEO of the Kuomintang Policy Association Cai Zhengyuan was sentenced to be detained for suspected embezzlement of China Film and Television's 370 million New Taiwan dollars (1 New Taiwan dollar is approximately US$0.0329) after a 6-hour marathon trial in the Taipei District Court, on the grounds of colluding with accomplices, witnesses and fleeing.
As early as March this year, because they were dissatisfied with Ma Ying-jeou's weak attitude towards the "February 28 Incident", Cai Zhengyuan, then CEO of the Kuomintang Policy Association, and Xu Qiaoxin, spokesperson of Ma Ying-jeou's office, had already argued with each other on Facebook. Later, the two of them even triggered a verbal battle over the "China Film Case". Cai Zhengyuan condemned Xu Qiaoxin, saying that he would discuss the China Film Case publicly or privately, but he would not be the one who was injured in the end, but the "great man" in Xu Qiaoxin's heart (Ma Ying-jeou).
Some media analyzed that China Film and Television had already punished it as early as 2006. The chairman of the Kuomintang was Ma Ying-jeou at that time, and the Tsai Ing-wen government's action this time was to use the Tsai Zhengyuan case to attack the horse. Some former Blue Camp legislators also pointed out that the Northern Procuratorate was Xiang Zhuang's sword dance, intended to Pei Gong, and was looking into Cai Zhengyuan on the surface, but if it was just a treason, it seemed that there was no need to be detained and banned. The real purpose behind it is to find out the decision-making process of selling China Film in 2006, and ultimately pointing to Ma Ying-jeou!
In response to this, the Kuomintang Central Committee's response on July 17 was extremely low-key. The party believed that the whole case was a problem between Cai Zhengyuan and China Film and Television, so it had nothing to do with the Kuomintang. Ma Ying-jeou, who decided to punish the "Three Central Committees (China Film and Television, China Radio and Television)" at that time, did not respond.
In the blue camp, only Hung Hsiu-chu posted a post on Facebook as soon as possible. Hung Hsiu-chu talked about the fact that she knew Tsai Zheng-won was upright and upright, charging forward for the party, and not discriminating praise and criticism. She also called out to the DPP government, don’t use this incident, pretending to investigate the case, and perform the reality of the liquidation struggle!
Perhaps the only way to wait for the final ruling of Cai Zhengyuan is to wait for the judicial system to make the right and wrong in this case, and ordinary people have no way to comment on the right and wrong of this case. Faced with the political plot of the DPP that may use this case to point Ma Ying-jeou's sword, even if Tsai Zheng-won's previous criticism of Ma might have a rift with the party, someone within the Blue Camp should come forward to support and speak out. However, the kings in the party are now collectively hidden.
In contrast, when the corruption case broke out, even when the green camp people or the elites in the party had different positions, they had no exception to support each other. For more than 10 years, there were still a large number of hard-core "Bian fans" who have never left each other. Although this move has caused many controversies in social opinion, compared with the different attitudes of the National and Democratic parties towards the case involving core comrades in the party, the blue camp's performance of "no matters and high-ranking" is really heartbreaking.
For a long time, the Kuomintang has been unable to get rid of the quagmire of the sauce-gate culture. Now it faces the zero-up of the party's property and has become an opposition. The Kuomintang, which shouts unity before the election, still has various power and calculations after the election.
Earlier, the Kuomintang Sun Wen School held a series of forums to comment on previous leaders and once strongly invited Ma Ying-jeou to attend. However, in the face of such an opportunity that could have clarified the merits and demerits, the latter not only refused to attend, but also set this tone as a political liquidation initiated by the Hong camp, and even advised the organizer to stop and not do anything that would make friends and revenge. The major elders in the Party are unwilling to face up to key issues whenever they encounter key issues. Instead, they often fight each other for small matters. The most important policies and discussions are no longer concerned about how to lead the Kuomintang to transform and rebirth, but they only care about how to allocate rights.
Now, facing the former party civil war, the king of the party is indifferent. Perhaps someone can interpret this as the Kuomintang’s political “clean obsession”. They think they are gentle, kind, respectful, frugal and incompetent, and do not want to be contaminated with judicial stains and avoid causing trouble. However, even if cannot ignore the judiciary because of gay friendship, it should also express the Kuomintang's position and persistence on procedural justice against whether the comrades who have fought side by side can get a fair trial.
When the morality among party members is gone, only internal and internal strife and external strife. When a party faces the enemy with gentleness, kindness, respect and frugality, and treats comrades cold-bloodedly, how can it not be defeated in the arena of the blue and green political struggle that is so ruthless?
Guo Maochen丨Duowei News
