Abstract: This article examines the names of Sogdians that appear in Chinese and Kucha language documents unearthed from Kuche, and explores the activities of Sogdians in Kucha in the 7th to 8th centuries. These documents show that there are many Sogdian Buddhists in the area, so

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2025-06-17

Summary: This article verifies the Sogdian unearthed in Chinese and Kuche , so as to explore the activities of Sogdians in Kuche 7th to 8th centuries. These documents show that there are many local Sogdian Buddhists, some of whom are at the forefront of local Buddhist temples in Kucha, while others work for Tang Dynasty and Kucha government officials at the same time. These Sogdian Buddhists interact frequently with other local Buddhists, reflecting the trend of the integration of Hu and Han ethnic groups in Anxi society in the Tang Dynasty.

The Sogdian activities in Kucha have always been discussed. The widely-announced Turpan document "The draft of the Shang'an Xidu Protectorate of Gaochang County, Xizhou, Tang Dynasty was recorded to interrogate Cao Lushan and Li Shaojin's two deeds" involved a dispute with a Chang'an Sogdian merchant when he went to Gongyue trade through Kucha [2]. Many scholars have also noticed the Sogdian name unearthed in Chinese documents in Kuqa. In addition, six Sogdian fragments were found in Pelch and the Dulludour-Ahuer site (French Douldour-âqour, hereinafter referred to as D.A.) and nearby areas. Yoshida Toshi believed that these fragments can be traced back to the 8th century [3]. In terms of cave information, in addition to Sogdian Buddhist inscriptions [4], some mural portraits are also interpreted as reference to the image of Sogdian merchants [5]. Of course this does not mean that they are definitely all Sogdians, because it cannot be ruled out that some of them may be from the upper class who prefer Iranian clothing customs, or even the result of intermarriage of Kucha Iranians. For those cases where they look and dress particularly like Sogdians, painting materials cannot tell whether they settled in Kucha or were merchants on the walkway. In terms of archaeological relics, Kageyama Yuko has discussed the Zoroastrian urns unearthed in Kuche, but it is only cautiously regarded as "evidence on the activities of Sogdians in the Kucha area between the 7th and 8th centuries" [6] and has not asserted whether the Sogdians established settlements or religious centers locally. However, given the unearth of these urn jars, Rongxinjiang also proposed: "Although the information is not sufficient, there is reason to believe that during the Tang Dynasty in the 7th and 8th century, there was a Sogdian settlement in the east of Kucha. They were different from local Buddhist believers, but believed in the tradition of their own ethnic groups.

The central topic of this article is the social role played by the Sogdians in Kucha. Are there Sogdian residents who are successful in operating locally among the businessmen? Do these people tend to form a relatively closed tribe, or do they actively get along with locals? In other words, this article wants to explore how the Sogdians gained a foothold in Kucha, developed their careers, and connected with local society.

The Sogdian name in Chinese documents

Unfortunately, it was difficult for scholars to fully answer the above questions in the past, and the relatively abundant Chinese documents unearthed from Kuche are no exception. Although as early as 1994, Rong Xinjiang's article "Study on Sogdian Immigration Villages in the Western Regions" pointed out that four people in the document may be "Sogdians who have settled here or passed through here" [8]; the other eight people were later included in the discussion scope of "Sogdian Immigration Villages in the Western Regions" [9], we know very little about these people. To illustrate the limitations of Chinese materials, this article collects the possible Sogdian names in the unearthed documents [10], and according to Jonathan K.Skaff's practice [11], the names of the surnames An, Cao, He, Kang, Shi, Shi, and Mi are listed as Table 1, and then the surnames known to be closely related to Sogdian are attached as Table 2 [12]:

Table 1

Table 2 lists the names of He, Luo, and Zhai surnames [25]. As we all know, early Ikeda Feng had pointed out that the He surname may be one of the Sogdian surnames [26]. Rong Xinjiang pointed out that the surname Zhai may be from Gaoche , but he and Valerie Hansen both considered to regard it as the Sogdian surname [27]. Masaharu Arakawa even directly counted Zhai Pan as the Sogdian [28]. As for the Luo surname, Ikeda intends to be from the 未分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分分�

Table 2

In the two tables above, the following five names seem to be related to Sogdian:

Anfule: Lurje (Pavel B.Lurje) believes that it may come from Sogdian βwr’kk, βwrk/Vōrak/[35].

An Fushou: The etymology is unknown, but there are also people with the surname An and He surnames named Fushou[36].

Anfuyan: It should be the Sogdian language pwtty’n, pwty’n, pwttyy’n/Butiyyān/, which is similar to "Buddhist" [37].

An Xufa: The etymology is unknown, it seems to be a name that starts with the Sogdian word šyr ("good").

Luohushoufen: It is obvious that the Sogdian name γwšprn/Γōšfarn/"The glory of the fourteenth day"[38].

Whether the fule, fus and hair loss are in Sogdian language remains to be confirmed, after all, Sogdians also have a name for foreign languages. For example, Shi Chuo should be named after the Turkic čor [39], let alone the authentic Chinese names that have been used by the Sogdian immigrants in the Central Plains. Since Cao, Shi, and He are also Chinese surnames, some people with Yaxun's names such as Shi Xiu and Shi Zhanggui may not be all Sogdian Hu in theory. We should also consider that the mixed-type name "Baimibodifen" appeared in Kucha, which is obviously the Sogdian pwtyprn /Butifarn/ (meaning similar to "Fu Hui" and "Fu Xiang") [40]:

PCD.A.82Ro ("Children's Record" page 82)

1 Baimibodifen

2 The right person is not allowed to punish him in the beginning and end of the Great (ou Fire). Whether the Bai surname was caused by arbitrary dispatch by officials of the Tang Dynasty, this example reflects the in-depth connection between the Mi surname and the local social life. Another interesting example is Shiranona [41]. It is also difficult for us to determine whether this soldier who has settled in Kucha is a Kucha Sogdian or a Sogdian [42]. To clarify the complexity of the problem, it is necessary to first review the situation of other Sogdian immigrants.

Chinese and historical materials show that although early Sogdian immigrants tended to live in the same race, they were no longer closed intramarital groups by the mid-7th century [43]. The lives of the two people, An Lushan and Shi Siming , reflect the complexity of the clan problem. It is unquestionable that both of them have a deep relationship with Sogdian [44]. But as we all know, An Lushan's mother is an Turkic tribe witch. According to " Old Tang Book ", his father is unknown; " An Lushan's Deeds " says that his original origin was from Kang's family.

No matter what, An Lushan inherited the surname An because his mother married An Yanyan. From this we can see that outsiders can obtain Sogdian surnames through social behaviors such as adoption. As for Shi Siming, who was born in Yingzhou, although his surname was Shi, he was recorded as a Turkic clan. Some scholars believe this may be so self-confessed in order to gain status [45]. Since the trend of false entrusting clan hope was popular at that time, Shi Siming's example was not an isolated case. So as Sgarf pointed out, we cannot rule out the possibility of implicit Sogdian descendants.

As the first town of the Western Regions, the complex situation where the various ethnic groups in Kucha should be no less than Yingzhou. A group of interrelated fragments Pelliot Chinois D.A. The suspected , Khotan names appear on 38 and 39, which implies the situation of the Hu-Han people's ties and integration in Anxi in the Tang Dynasty. Luo Hushoufen in Table 2 further reflects the mixed phenomenon of the scrutiny and Sogdian logic that also exists in Dunhuang, Turpan and other places [46]. However, even if scholars have long recognized the factors involved in this, such as geographic, blood, language, psychology, social, and administrative, actual research is still significantly limited by the quality of the remaining documents. Therefore, when Sgarf conducted research on Sogdian residents in the West State, it was necessary to assume that the seven surnames such as Kang and An were all Sogdian.

The Sogdian name in Chinese documents

Table 1

Table 2

In the two tables above, the following five names seem to be related to Sogdian:

Anfule: Lurje (Pavel B.Lurje) believes that it may come from Sogdian βwr’kk, βwrk/Vōrak/[35].

An Fushou: The etymology is unknown, but there are also people with the surname An and He surnames named Fushou[36].

Anfuyan: It should be the Sogdian language pwtty’n, pwty’n, pwttyy’n/Butiyyān/, which is similar to "Buddhist" [37].

An Xufa: The etymology is unknown, it seems to be a name that starts with the Sogdian word šyr ("good").

Luohushoufen: It is obvious that the Sogdian name γwšprn/Γōšfarn/"The glory of the fourteenth day"[38].

PCD.A.82Ro ("Children's Record" page 82)

1 Baimibodifen

Kucha language documents face another kind of difficulty. In these materials, the surnames of the Hu people's Chinese characters are not expressed, and even the surname Bai does not appear [47]. So we can only focus on the name. But as will be introduced in the next section, the assignment of names is obviously more free than the inheritance of surnames, and the Kucha people also use foreign languages like Sogdians. Therefore, although Sgarf said that "the name of Sogdian or mentioning birth in Sogdian is the safest standard" [48], as far as Kucha material is concerned, even if the name of Sogdian appears from it, we cannot say that he is definitely a real Sogdian. In other words, the risks we face here are no less than the interpretation and analysis of Chinese unearthed documents, and we still have to consider these people who use Sogdian names from a humanistic level.In particular, names with distinctive Sogdian composition (such as Putteyāne mentioned below) should be regarded as the explicit socio-cultural characteristics of the person. He may have a strong sense of belonging to Sogdian because of this, or continue to use this name for his own interests and preferences. In short, when studying Kucha language documents, we cannot focus on whether these people have pure Sogdian ancestry or birthplace. This is the basic premise of this study.

It must be noted that the name of the person headed by Luo in Kuche Chinese document cannot be determined to be Luo's surname. It may be just a transliteration, for example, in Dunhuang documents, Luo Zi is a transliteration of the Tibetan "shepherd" [49]. There are also many names of Kucha people with unnamed surnames in Kuche. Here are a few examples:

Sushiti (PCD.A.127) [50]Kucha Sucāte Sanskrit sujāta-("Shansheng")

Junmanti (O.8074)Kucha *KupantiSanskrit kumbhaṇḍī-("Puai, Hulu")

Junti (PCD.A.53)Kucha Kumpantile= *Kumpanti+ Suffix-(i)le[51]

Sanskrit in Table 2 can have two explanations. If this person's surname is Luo, Shanti may be the name of Kucha. The prototype is probably *ṣantile [Sanskrit kṣānti ("天") + Kucha suffix -(i)le][52] or *śantile [Sanskrit śānti-("silent, stable") +-(i)le], depending on the degree of the pronunciation of Shan's word at that time. But if Luo is just a transliteration at the beginning, it can be regarded as a mixed name formed by Sogdian r’z’nt (“mysterious, mysterious”) with Kucha suffix-(i)le, similar to Wantiśke (“little slave”) mentioned below. This mixture should be regarded as the effect of the integration of Hu Hu. In view of this, it is hard to say whether a family member named "Zhejie" in O.8074 "Anxi Kucha Chako Book" is an authentic Sogdian. Obviously, his identity or servitude is difficult to connect to the Chinese language, Zhejie/Zhejie (čākar), who is famous for his bravery [53]. Considering that the documents unearthed from Hotan have appeared as the Shizhejie [54], it cannot be denied that the family member may be Sogdian; but it is also possible that this well-known Sogdian word was favored by the Hu, and chose to be named. In short, regardless of whether the family member was from Sogdian or not, this name once again confirmed the Sogdian cultural atmosphere in Kucha in the Tang Dynasty.

returns to the two tables above. According to the context, the only people in the table who are more like local residents are An Fule, An Fuyan, Shichuo, Kang Siniang and other few people. Mi Shisi and others who appeared in the civil contract may be the same, but we should note that there are examples of Han officials and soldiers borrowing loans in the unearthed contract of Hotan [55]. In any case, most of the cultural belief characteristics of these people are unclear. As for Shi Xiu and others who donated money to set up a vegetarian camp, it is even more difficult to determine the clan and residence. If Cao Sali's name is related to Buddhism[56], he is still like a military member and may not have taken root in Kucha. Therefore, the local residents in the table who have both Buddhist and Sogdian characteristics seemed to be one of Wei Anfuyan. Such information is obviously too thin for exploring the issue of Sogdian Buddhists in Kucha.

The Sogdian name in Kucha literature

The first scholar to notice this type of material was Dr. Klaus T. Schmidt. Weber mentioned it as early as 1975 that Schmidt told him that the name Putteyāne in Kucha literature is undoubtedly a Sogdian name, but did not point out the detailed source of the name [57]. Later, Shi pointed out that a fragment of the Tocharian A-language Maitreya meeting was written inscribed on THT884, in which tane māñcāṃ (line 6 of the b-side) should be read as the woman's name Nanemāñcāṃ (single indirect grid, single main grid is Nanemāñc*), borrowed from the Sogdian language nny-m’nch["(appearance) like the goddess Nana"][58]. Three years later, Xavier Tremblay quoted Sch's unpublished material and pointed out that there were two Sogdian names in the Kucha literature, namely Śirmāñca [Sogdian *Šyrm’nc ("beauty")] and Ṣirecca [Sogdian *Šyrc or Šyryc ("good")], but there is no source provided. Recently, Lurye has included more names seen in Kucha literature in his discussion of Sogdian names, but several comparisons are still to be discussed, so I will not repeat them here.

When I was studying secular documents of Kucha, I also found some Sogdian names [59]. This series of discoveries began with the study of the Fazang long scroll Cp.37+36. It is currently the longest secular document in Kucha in the world. It is now in the collection of French National Library and was unearthed from the site of D.A.Most of the right side was burned, the upper half was numbered Cp.37 (4 pages of paper) and the lower half was numbered Cp.36 (5 pages of paper). Currently, it is stored separately, but in fact, the text before and after can be connected. Levi called it "procès-verbal" and pointed out that the content is related to the lawsuit, and the defendant was named Puttewatte [60]. Due to burning, writing sloppy and alteration, this document has never been published in the picture or recording, and Levi's name remains in use today. In 2007, Professor Georges-Jean Pinault gave me a preliminary record of the Cp. Document Series more than ten years ago [61]. After reviewing the original and re-recording the document, I thought that this long scroll was more like a promulgation than a court record, which is a statement of a named case that has not been completed. Although the right side of the last paragraph of the drawing list was burned, I don’t know if the drawing finger was indeed left at the beginning, some of the previous and subsequent narratives in the illustrations were a little disordered, and there were also many deletions and revisions. It should not be too big of a problem to be regarded as a draft. At the same time, the author noticed that the defendant's name can actually be pronounced Puttewante. Because the writing styles of nte and tte in Kucha language literature are similar, the form of non- regular is even more difficult to distinguish. After further investigation, it was found that the first half of the person's name was often slightly Putte- in the prosecution, but the second half did not appear in the form of -wate [62], so it was confirmed that the person's name should be Puttewante. The name

is quite special. Most of the names of Kucha come from Sanskrit, such as the Half-brained Tudifei in Cp.31. The form of Kucha should be *Citadewe, from the Sanskrit Jitadeva- ("Surviving Heaven") or Cittadeva- ("Seeing God"), and the suffix e is used to represent the name of a male person. There are also many names from inherent nouns, such as the Kucha word Kercapiśke ("little donkey, donkey ") on the same document. The defendant's name appears to be in Indian at first glance, but it is not in common. For example, the beginning of a person's name buddha- ("Buddha...") often changes to putta-, putta-, bodhi- ("Bodhi...") and putti-, etc., but scholars cannot find the reasonable etymology and coordination basis for putte- and -watte (or -wante). In fact, besides this defendant, the Cp. document only has a name that begins with Putteo, namely Putteyāne. As mentioned earlier, this is the Sogdian name in Kucha, which corresponds to the Hu names such as Fudiyan that frequently appear in Chinese documents [63]. Then, if you pronounce it as Wante, you can connect to another common Hu name ingredient Pantuo, which is the free translation of Sogdian bntk /vande/ ("slave") [64]. As for putteo's -e ending may represent the genus component of Sogdian -e-, or the -e ending that often appears when Indian words are borrowed into Sogdian [65]. In short, reading Puttewante can be properly interpreted as the Kuchaic form of Sogdian pwttyβntk ("Buddhist slave"). Coincidentally, an unpublished Otani document also contains , Khotan , budävaṃdai, and the Sogdian origin is the same. Another reference name of Khotan-Sogdian is the name of the person seen on the Khotan-Chinese bilingual document X15 published by Professor Duan Qing in recent years [66].

From this we can see that the Kucha name starting with Putteo is likely from Sogdian. So the author noticed that the man in the tent of the Kizil Temple in Dezang was named Puttemāñce (meaning close to "Buddhist heart"), the woman's name Putteśira (meaning close to "Buddhist goodness"), and the woman in the Cp. document was named Śirmāñca (meaning close to "good heart"). As mentioned above, the last name has long been Schmidt's attention. He explained it as "beautiful", but did not provide the source of the person's name. I think it may be more appropriate to interpret "good intentions" [67], otherwise we should understand Puttemāñce as "like the Buddha", and this kind of name is abrupt. Once Puttewante is read, Wantiśke, a common man who is active in the Cp. instrument, is likely to be related to Sogdian. In other words, this name can be interpreted as "little slave", where -śke is a common suffix of Kucha noun, which means "small...", just as the aforementioned Baijizhaojiujiuki Kercapiśke means "little donkey, donkey".

To this point, D.A. temples have at least three male lay believers whose names are related to Sogdian, namely Putteyāne, Puttewante and Wantiśke, and there are also women Śirmāñca. Interestingly, Cp.37+36's declaration represents Suklyike, which may have a similar origin.After cumulatively experiencing the financial losses caused by Puttewante's various evil deeds, the representative made a statement [68]:

Cp.37+36.82-85.

to Deputy Envoy General Kuleṅkar-Akau: Samantatir's pure people, paying tribute to Suklyike (to you). grown ups! The illegal acts made by Puttewante, and the things that were seized by him, are written on it. The number is as above. After

, these people made a complaint to the Deputy General, without any trouble. It is only necessary to point out that Suklyike is also called "kapyāres Moko" or "head" (Moko) in other Cp. documents and Huang Wenbi documents [69]. Dr. Yumin Sekihara gave advice. This name reminds people of Suklyī[ka] on the Sanskrit fragment SHT2030 unearthed from Germany and Tibet Xinjiang, and Schmidt interpreted it as the "Sogdian" [70]. Given that the promulgation mentioned Putteyāne, Wantiśke and others, I thought that the possibility that Suklyike was etymologically related to Sogdian was indeed very high.

But even if you are named "Sogdian", it does not necessarily mean that this person is really a Sogdian. For example, in the early Tang Dynasty, the Yanqi king was named Tuqizhi, but we do not know whether this king has the bloodline of Turkic or Tuqishi, or it is just a praising one's own kind in terms of political factions or cultural tendencies. The author found that the names of Camil, Iśkil and others in Kucha language books are quite similar to the transliteration of the clan name, Seki (Turkic Izgil) [71]. As mentioned in the previous section when discussing the names of "Ne Na" and "Zhejie", this naming may be intended to express one's own or the name's favor or a specific social and cultural connection, but it cannot be asserted as a symbol of bloodline.

There may be other Iranian or Sogdian Hu names in the secular documents of Kucha. The most prominent example is the female name Uśiya* on the tent of the Kizil Temple in Dezang, which is related to the Sogdian wśy' "remembering". The remaining names need to be discussed in more historical linguistics and phonology, which is omitted here.

Kucha Sogdians provide evidence

Kizil Grottoes

Puttemāñce (male) and Uśiya* (female)

These two appeared together in the Dezang fragment THT474. According to the classification of the author and Ogihara, this fragment belongs to the third category of the Dezang Kizil Kucha Language Temple Account Master Group (hereinafter referred to as the "Dezang Master Group"), which is the accounting category involving external business. The fragments were seriously damaged, and it can only be seen that the two were related to the barley.

Putteśira (female)

The name has appeared twice in the "Dezang Main Group". Its position is Yirmakka*, which literally means "meaver", or a woman who checks whether the weights and measures are accurate. This article is intended to be translated as "Zhenghen Man". On the unpublished third-class fragment THT2900, she painted a finger with Putteyāne, who is the "supervisor" (Yirpṣuki in Kucha), to confirm that it is a grain expenditure of five stones [72]. Although the text is very broken, it can still be judged from similar fragments (such as THT460, 465, 466, etc.) that she works with Putteyāne and draws fingers together [73], like other female equines Lariśka and Kimña. It seems that these women each monitor the entry and exit of several types of grain in the temple. Another fragment of Putteśira, THT2821, is even more broken. If the author's interpretation is correct, Putteśira, who is a Zhangheng person, is responsible for another five-stone grain entry and exit, including the ration of the temple population (Kucha trokol).

Putteyāne (male)

In addition to the above four THT2900, 460, 465, and 466, the painting of this "supervisor" refers to the third type of fragments in the "Dezang Main Group" that have appeared 11 times. Some of these (i.e. THT464, 472) have been published long ago, so this is probably the name Schmidt first noticed. The author found that this person negotiated with the shepherd (śantālya, THT472), the grinder (waltsaucca, THT2773+2920+2927) and jointly drew the instructions and took responsibility. In addition, he also supervised the entry and exit of Da and Xiaomai, and can be said to be the most important executor of the general affairs under the command of the temple's chief monk (Yotkolau). Although THT464 shows that there is a supervisor named Vinaiśe in the temple, it has only appeared twice [75], and in general, Putteyāne is still more active in this group of documents. Unfortunately, most fragments are extremely fragmented. The following are some examples of successful conjugation:

THT2748+2787+2817+2923[76]

This group of fragments is very similar to the other group in terms of content and font.Previously, the author spelled out the THT2749+2818[77]. In July 2010, he found that THT2747 can also be combined. Here I proposed a revised document:

THT2747+2749+2818

1 ///… Barley mixed (used):

2 ////day, nine people have tax grain barley (is the tax rate?) two dou per stone [78]. (Also,) We made the cattle material: 11///

3 /// In this we have checked... Ten stones and eight [dou]///

Since the two groups of fragments are so similar, we have reason to assume that the taxes paid by the temple to the government are also under the responsibility of Putteyāne. However, there are still many fragments of the "Dezang Master Group" that need to be put together, so it is still impossible to fully discuss his scope of responsibility and his social status is not clear. In other words, it is impossible to tell whether he is from a pure person or a management class above a pure person, a weaver, or a craftsman. This is because in the Dezang Temple tent, Jingren , weavers and craftsmen are all collective references and are not used on individuals. Therefore, the identity of the woman Putteśira and the man Puttemāñce is also unclear.

Duleduer Ahuer

Just like the Dezang Kizil Temple tent, the Kucha word "子子" (kapyāre) appears in plural forms on the temple tent of the Fazang D.A., and some individual characters have never had such a reference method as "子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子子� Therefore, it is difficult to determine which of the ordinary people who enter and exit the temple are pure people. But from the perspective of actual operation, the activities of some people do conform to the explanation of "clean people".

Śirmāñca (female)

This woman appeared on two calendar fragments Cp.35 and Cp.38. Walter Couvreur pointed out that the two were similar in the 1950s and tried to translate a short paragraph [79]. The second half of Cp.38 is basically copied from Cp.40+42a, and the content is about the expenditure statistics of "tower money" [80]. The author further clarified the relationship between these three fragments and other Cp. documents. In short, the first half of Cp.38 is equivalent to an annual "tower money" calendar. The content is copied from Cp.35, and the plot is updated. Cp.33 is the oldest version in this set of calendars. Although all four pieces of the residual scrolls have been burned, especially the left half of Cp.33 is almost completely burned, the process of converting Buddha food into money can still be summarized, and it can be divided into three stages [81]:

(1) The application of Buddha food is divided into several parts, and the bidding is opened [82].

(2) The person who took away a portion of Buddha food also gave the temple an estimate. That is, this person is responsible for the sale of this Buddha food.

(3) Later, this person handed over the cash that was valuable to the temple. At this time, you will register "Submitted" in the small letter below the person's name.

The next time the account is created, the account is written as "some money has been sold", and no longer points out the name. Due to space limitations, here we will only use one example to illustrate the above process [83]:

Cp.33.6

///One is taken for Cinatyuti: Three (text).

Cp.35.9-10

///On the eleventh, Suklyike and others gave food. Buddha gets two (couples). One copy for Cinatyuti: Three (text). One portion is taken for Räktāśka: three (text). tānesa (?) The two have handed over

Cp.38.9-10

///On the eleventh, Suklyike and others gave food. Buddha (Tao obtained two shares.) have all been sold, each share is three (text) and a total of three (text).

The man Cinatyuti and the woman Räktāśka on this account can be regarded as purifying people, because the management of tower goods is one of the tasks of purifying people. [84] By the way, the "Suklyike people" also give food, and these people seem to be relatives or partners of Suklyike. Other donors include "Mpek Ccor" [85], "Women from the city and the countryside", "Siñātsi" (Sijñātsi), and the Sogdian woman's name Ṣirecca mentioned above. Therefore, it is not so much that Suklyike is a slave who belongs to a temple or a monk, but rather a commoner with family and career.

Śirmāñca also has similar behaviors. Unfortunately, this woman happened to appear in one of the few accounts with a difference between Cp.35 and Cp.38:

Cp.35.35-37

On the fifteenth day, Koraña gave food. All Buddhas [obtain] (shares). Take one copy of Śirmāṃñca: Four (text). A copy of Raktaswiñi [take: four (text)]. One copy of Kä[nm]äñk Take: Four (text). Submit a copy of Jñānasene to take it away: Three (text).

Cp.38.33-34

15 days ago, Koraña gave food. [The Buddha obtained] three (score). One piece sold: Si (text).A portion of Śirmāṃñca [take]///// (one portion) [Raktaswiñi]: 评 (text).

Cp.35 records four portions given to all Buddhas, but Cp.38 becomes three portions given to one Buddha. This difference seems to explain why the former account is smaller in part of the fonts, and the latter is no longer mentioned. As for the other three copies, the price obtained by Kä[nm]äṅk has been paid back, so the name of Cp.38 is not registered; and Śirmāṃñca and Raktaswiñi have not paid the money yet, so the name is still on it. From another perspective, these two women can be said to be debtors to the temple.

The most interesting thing is that some ordinary people are both donors and exchange their donations for the temple for cash. For example, Yśiñātsi ("Two Lady" or "Ten Lady") first gives two portions of Buddha food, and later she takes one of them under the account she has given, and cashes it into the account. And she also handled the Buddha food that others gave. Suklyike, the leader of the Jingren, seemed to have accepted one, but unfortunately his cultural heritage was broken and he was not sure. In addition, the "Fourth Lady" first processed a portion of Buddha food given by Ṣirecca, and a few months later she also gave it to the Buddha. Other believers such as Olyīśkaṣe Wrau ("The Crow of the Boat") also have this dual role [86]. It can be said that this kind of charity and cashing in one hand is common in the temple. This phenomenon will continue to be discussed in the next section.

Puttewante (male)

To illustrate this person's various bad deeds, I will try to translate Cp.37+36 here. The first line of this promulgation reads:

[This is Puttewante] to obtain people, money and things.

The second line begins to state the crime:

Cp.37+36.2-4

24 years, Samantatir's chief officers were Akau and Meñiṃ…. …Sent from us/them to them 16,000 (text). (These are) to (independence?) the money we/they worker. [Puttewante] asked for...all, but no tax was paid[87].

Samantatir is borrowed from the Sanskrit word samanta-tīra-"coast", which Pino believes is the ancient name of D.A. A temple [88]. In my humble opinion, I think this name is probably also the name of the administrative region where the temple is located [89]. This "riverside place" may be equivalent to the middle and lower reaches of today's Weigan River , and the level may be equivalent to the state.

Immediately after three or four lines of damaged text, it was a series of storms caused by the temporary recruitment of the superior Akau. Although the content cannot be fully explained, Puttewante's behavior of filling her vagina is very obvious:

Cp.37+36.8-12

In April of the 23rd, he (the author's note: Puttewante) asked for ten pieces of silk because Akau wanted to entertain in the army (?) [90]. He said, "This is what Akau asked." We got (silk) from Wantiśke with interest (?). He didn't give it to Akau. Because of this, there are twenty trauma (abundance). The three-blade silk used to pay for maṅkusäko*, he (also) took it away. But he neither went to buy maṅkusäko* nor handed over the silk.

Then insert a few months later in love, which may be related to the above storm:

Cp.37+36.12-17

In August 23, Puttewante said: "Akau requires one thousand cents." [Korośkile] ///

/// There is … one thousand…. He levyed from Koroke*. ///

///… [Kercapiśke] … From the leader of the (Clean Man)… Give [Puttewante] ///

///… Puttewante [take]…800 (text) money related to the Sonata…Mu Fork (?). ///

Then the topic went back to Akau's temporary request in the army, but it seemed that the testimony was started by another victim:

Cp.37+36.17-21

June 23, Puttewante came to me. He said, "Akau asked for ten silk silk because he was going to entertain in the army (?). We got it from Wantiśke, but I did not hand it over to Akau. Now I am afraid that he will come to pursue me for the ten silk silk. (So,) I will hand it over to a horse from Tukṣi in the Uluoguan, and I will prepare for you/us." (So) I took thirty-two stones of grain from Korośkile of Tār* to 1,200 cents. Although Puttewante (who gave the money) to Capeś[91], he did not prepare the horse.

There are other testimony:

Cp.37+36.21-25

In April of the 23rd, Puttewante asked us to buy a horse and hand it over to the Wuluo Pavilion [92]. We took a horse from Wantiśke with twenty silk. On that day Puttewante rode the horse forty (opened) to the pond/spring water, and rode it back.He was injured and died. …Forty (spun)...Puttewante… ///

Cp.37+36.28-36

Puttewante pulled away a green grass horse. His sisters were to give to Cipaiśe, and he pulled him away. (And) Puttewante should be a tanti for us, and we should use nineteen years of new grain harvest (to make it). But he was unprepared. He was on his way to Coṅkśi* at that time (so he was not there). Now Cipaiśe cannot complain about the delivery of food [93]. As for the grass horse, Puttewante gave Wuluo House a way of ṣreṃ*. Puttawarme gave him a thousand pennies. So both grass horses were conquered.

Although many keywords such as maṅkusäko*, tanti, and ṣreṃ* are not clear, it is obvious that Puttewante is authorized to collect money, silk and other materials requested by the superior Akau, and also handed the horses to the inn on behalf of the people. Therefore, he can be said to be a middleman who worked for the Kucha local government and the Tang Dynasty officials at the same time. Nearly fifty lines of text after

are complaining about Puttewante's evil deeds, including occupying a family-born wheat field in Cinasene, and using it shamelessly. Since Puttewante occupied people's land, it can be speculated that he may have some farming on weekdays while traveling to places to collect taxes, or relying on renting farmland to make a living. Due to space limitations, the crime cannot be listed in detail here. Only the scale of Puttewante's corruption can be explained by the declaration of property losses. According to the existing content, he lost more than 111,000 yuan to Suklyike and others within a period of less than six years:

Cp.37+36.73-81[94]

Total things Puttewante has taken so far:

silk: 198 (open)… (worth) money (59,000) and four hundred (text).

money: …///

Grain: 681 stones and five dou. The price is (per dou) five (text). …(worth) 34,750 (text).

wine: five lwāṅke another tsere. [95] (each lwāṅke) sold 5,500 (texts), worth 8,250 (texts).

or more silk, money, grain, wheat, and wine. After [converting] money, a total of [10]11,000///

This summary appears roughly two-thirds of the draft, and then the above-mentioned Suklyike's dictionary is quoted. This amount is estimated according to the manuscript itself, which is equivalent to more than 2,200 stones of grain. This not only shows Puttewante's aggregation ability, but also shows the economic strength of the disciples of the temple. Unfortunately, the end of the volume is incomplete, and only a few names at the beginning of the list are left, namely Koroy, Saṅkayśe, Laraiyśe, Citile, etc. Judging from the context, they are all victims represented by Suklyike, that is, they are probably all pure people [96]. This issue will continue to be discussed later.

Putteyāne (male)

The name appears in both Kizil and D.A., indicating that it should be more common in Kucha. According to Cp.34, the Putteyāne of D.A. and Koroñci, a Kucha man, were escorted from the countryside to the temple. Putteyāne, as the "escort" (klāṣuki) of this grain, must draw fingers on the tent. But he is not the one who takes the most common job. According to the same account calendar, he only escorted this time from summer to winter, while the Kucha man Kercapiśke Baiji repeatedly took on the matter. He moved a total of 14 stones of grain, including 2.3 stones of grain to be milled outside. Wantiśke took more, and he took 30 stones of valley wheat from the countryside to the temple, of which 23 stones were escorted with Cinaupte, a Kucha man. It is worth noting that Cinaupte was also the leader of the Jingren: according to Cp.14, he and Wantiśke took out wheat for sowing, and all of them were painted fingers. Cp.14 This left half burned fragment also mentions that the temple gives Putteyāne a bucket of food. Unfortunately, the reason for burning is that it can only be speculated that this expenditure may be related to Kercapiśke's going out to mill. In short, the phenomenon of these people with the Sogdian name working side by side with others for the temple is quite obvious.

Suklyike (male)

This is the most active leader of the Jingren unearthed documents in D.A. In the previous section, Cinaupte also held this position, but the final volume Cp.39+43a checkout for the monthly purifying of coarse and fine grains seems to reflect that Cinaupte is Suklyike's predecessor. One-quarter of the middle of the scroll has been burned, and it can still be seen that Suklyike and Cinaupte should both draw fingers for this. At that time, Suklyike had been called "the leader" (Moko), while Cinaupte was called Nauṣalas.This word has not appeared in other literature, but is obviously derived from the Kucha word nauṣ "before, before, earlier". Considering that it was early June, it was the time when the newly collected grain began to enter the warehouse and the fiscal year was restarted [97], Suklyike probably took over at this time. On another long scroll Cp.26 with the left half completely destroyed, Cinaupte's finger appeared in the first third, and Suklyike's finger appeared in the last third, which also implies that the two have a relationship with each other.

Suklyike also appeared in other D.A. temple tents, but unfortunately most of them were ruined, so his scope of power and responsibility is not very clear. It is certain that money and goods entered the Cp.19 mentioned that he was responsible for handing over a sum to Caoze Pavilion (uLāṅkwān*). His activities with colleagues Wantiśke and Kompile even appeared in the Kucha Temple tent collected by Huang Wenbi. One of the following is translated as follows:

HWB74 (3) [i.e., "Archaeological Records of the Tarim Basin" Picture Version Qisi, Picture (3)]

The author has proved that the four Kucha language documents published as "Archaeological Records of the Tarim Basin" Picture Version Qi3 and Qisi are not obtained from the excavation of the Bachutukuzisalai site, but are documents for sale in Kumutula Village. They are likely from a site on the banks of the Weigan River. The monks in the four documents did not appear in the temple tent of D.A., except for the common monk name Ñānasene, the monks unearthed from the Dharmazang D.A., so it is not certain whether they also originated from D.A. Otherwise, we could even guess that Suklyike's team served several nearby temples at the same time, but this is still a hypothesis to be proven.

Wantiśke (male)

Judging from the way this person has pointed to his famous paintings, his status in the D.A. temple seems extraordinary. Generally speaking, the method of name authentication on the Kuchayu Temple account is related to the status and function of the parties involved, and is roughly divided into the following four categories [99]:

(1) "Someone's Painting": used by the task executor or the direct person in charge of the task. You can often see three strokes of ink marks on the original manuscript of the account book, and sometimes a simple mock is added. For example, while Kercapiśke (Baiji draws the chicken), he often writes a ke in his fingers. However, the subsequent manuscripts often leave only sentences, and no longer repeat the actions of drawing fingers or drawings.

(2a) "Someone sees, this is the finger of the painting"; or (2b) "Someone sees": The companion or monitor of the task execution often has three fingers next to it. It is very likely that this person must also share part of the execution responsibility. The same as the previous category, it will not be copied together with the fingers and the clues when copying.

(3) See someone: the inspector or supervisor, usually followed by signing or pledging. In the temple tent of the "Dezang Master Group", this method is used by the monks (Yotkolau) and the "People in charge of the Five Affairs (?)" [100]. But in the D.A. temple, Kercapiśke (Baiji wins chicken) and other ordinary people were also present to witness the monks using tower materials to buy incense, lamp oil and other items.

(4) Someone knows: Used by superiors, usually there is a sign or a secret to it later. In the "Dezang Lord Group", this is the method used by "SwāmiAśari" and the monks.

In D.A., although most ordinary people, such as Kercapiśke (Baiji wins the chicken), Suklyike and others, Wantiśke acts like a superior twice:

Cp.7[101]

Cp.24

Oktaśke means "small eight", perhaps January 8, and its nature may be equivalent to the Buddhist "eight day vegetarian" or "eight banquets" [102]. You must know Wantiśke when buying wine for this daily money. Cp.24, the second to fourth columns, another item of the expenditure on buying alcohol with money, seems to require the consent and contracting of Wantiśke and Laraiyśe. Wantiśke is also related to buying candy, perhaps to entertain the king. It seems that these two people have a slightly higher status than other colleagues, and are not only responsible for general business such as escort. Moreover, Wantiśke probably had a lot of property, and the Puttewante case alone lost at least ten pieces of silk and a horse (worth twenty pieces of silk). According to the valuation of the promulgation, the losses of these two items were as high as 9,000 cents, worth 180 stones of grain and wheat, and were not included in the burned part of the paper. Obviously he is one of the most victims.

Sogdians' social activities in Kucha

The above data shows that the Sogdians (to be precise, the person who takes the Sogdian name) have a deep economic involvement in the temples of Kucha. Especially in Kizil, Putteyāne has very obvious power to comprehensively manage various common affairs.Although the daily expenditure on grain and oil raising funds (i.e., the first and second ledger calendars of the "Dezang Master Group") cannot see the number of people in this temple, and it is difficult to see the specific division of labor between the Sogdians and other ordinary people, the status of the Sogdians is indeed of great importance. Unfortunately, Kizil rarely leaves information on the donation of Buddha objects and the income and expenditure of money, so he cannot examine the individual actions of the common people in a microscopic manner like analyzing D.A. temple documents.

D.A. There are no positions such as "Zhangheng Man" and "Supervisor" in the temple tent, but Sogdian's influence is not slightly inferior. Although we still do not know the number of pure people in the temple, we still cannot determine which ordinary people are the pure people referred to by the temple, and we cannot determine whether the leader of the pure people is also from the pure people. However, in practice, some people exchange small gifts (including Śirmānca), some people escort grain (including Wantiśke and Putteyāne), while some people witness the use of money from the temple, and the purchase of non-daily products such as sugar and wine (including Wantiśke). These are all part of the task of pure people under the Hinayana Vinaya.

According to this, although it cannot be said that these people who took Sogdian names are tourists or merchant owners, it cannot be said that they are all humble serfs or servants. According to the above, some victims in the manuscript seem to have ancestral land. In addition to Cinasene, who was occupied by Puttewante, the garden fields of Koroy, the ancestors of Kucha, were also forced to pay taxes due to the accumulation of monks. [103] Wantiśke is more like a wealthy resident with family and career. Since Kercapiśke (Baiji Chauji) served half of the job, Wantiśke, who is similar to his functions and seems to have a slightly higher status in the temple, probably his secular status will not be too low. Suklyike's behavior of leading the crowd to sue the Deputy General further shows that the people of Kucha have the right to sue judicially. If these people are completely affiliated with the temple, it should be reasonable for the monks to sue. What's more, according to the Cp.8 grain account, the monks of the temple consumed 16.7 stone barley, 41.8 stone wheat and 40.7 stone millet from June to December. During this period, people eat 40.7 s of wheat, including the taxed grains paid. It seems that Jingren even eats well!

It must be emphasized that the above-mentioned believers' behavior of taking small portions of Buddha's food and exchanging it into cash, regardless of whether it is a short-term trade or short-term small loan, is not the patent of Sogdian Buddhists. In fact, only the woman, Śirmānca, has contracted one, and it is still unclear whether Suklyike participated in this activity. The contractors are mainly Kucha people and Han people (or strictly speaking, those who take Kucha or Chinese names). Therefore, these account calendars are more like reflecting the daily exchanges between temples and the people, and the possibility of involvement of medium- and long-term trade is not high. Therefore, Śirmānca is not so much a wandering merchant as a woman living nearby. As for Suklyike, the leader of the pure man who received monthly food may not always stay in the local area. Wantiśke is obviously more often near temples, which makes it easy to explain why his paintings and identifications appear frequently in the temple tent, and horses and silk have been requisitioned several times.

So there should be some Sogdian Buddhists living in the Weigan River Basin. Based on this, it is quite possible that Shi Xiu, Shi Zhanggui and others who were unearthed O.1535 "Traditional Supplement of Buddhists in the Tang Dynasty" by D.A. are of course this type of person. The author has proved that the remnants of "Middle 14th Mi and O.8049" and other remnants from "Kumu Tula" should be the excavation results of the Japanese at the Yuqituer site, so the feasibility of treating Mi and O.8049 as Sogdian residents has also been greatly improved. Of course, the operation of Buddhist societies in Kucha still needs to be discussed, and the Kucha language literature cannot see clear traces of societies at this stage. Especially whether the "pure people" disciples of Kucha Temple overlap with the social organizations is a question that should be carefully discussed in the future. However, it should be emphasized again that the remaining Kucha language document information is difficult to identify the secular identity of believers, that is, it rarely indicates who is a nobleman, who is a civilian, slave, etc. In other words, when we can classify medieval Dunhuang temple households as serfs based on long-term research results of Dunhuang documents, this is not necessarily the case in Kucha. At least we cannot say that the common people who work for temples are slaves or poor households. In this regard, the "Four-part Laws and Acting Notes" written by Dajue in the Tang Dynasty should provide some inspiration [104]:

There are five hundred pure people in the Shouzhuyuan Temple.

says: "These five hundred people violated the king's criminal law, and the monk begged for it."Li said: "There are many people in the Western countries who know and believe in the common people who come to the temple to provide monks with the general name Jingren, and keep all the five precepts. They are not slaves from the monks' families like this. Now that the slave is a pure man, it is wrong. "Someone said: "Those who say purify people are because this person can provide to monks, knowing money, purifying fruits, giving food, etc., and allowing monks to escape the defilement of breaking the precepts and establishing the Brahmacharya. Pureness is made from this person, so it is called Pureness, not the one who wants the previous people to call Pureness. It doesn’t matter if these slaves and servants are named Jingren. If you call a slave, you will be more verbally. "Ji said: "The monks and lambs are definitely not slaves at this time. "Tang Sanzang said: "The king of the Western Kingdom is called King Jieri. Respect and believe in the Three Jewels, and they are all located on the four sides of Bodhi Temple. Wherever they are, all the lands and households are monks, and they are like those who are enfeoffed by this place. During the time of the king's victory, the head of Bodhi Temple was a majestic and purified man, and he was sent to the king to help the king fight the thief. The queen was in trouble and was sent back to the monk. If you do not keep the precepts, you will break the precepts and even make it easier for you to gain enlightenment. "

This description is quite thought-provoking. It is not annoying to say that in addition to the Lizang literature and a few Buddhists, there are very few records of Jingren's history during the Wei, Jin, Sui and Tang Dynasties. The population serving temples included "Fu Tuhuhu" and "Sanghehu" and other names, and was often called "Shishi family members" in the Tang Dynasty. The quotation above reflects that the Tang people had doubts and differences in their understanding of Jingren. The entry "There are five hundred Jingren in Shoushouyuan Temple" refers to the origin story of Jingren in the "Ten Recitations" version [105]. Xiao Pan (Gregory) (Gregory) Schopen once pointed out that among the various texts, only the "Ten Recitations" says that the original Pure Man was originally a thief in the Dharma [106], so the first anonymous man said it can be regarded as his key point. As for the saying "not to be called Pure Man for the Predecessors", it seems to be one of the popular views in China at that time. Indeed, in terms of word composition, the Sanskrit word kalpikāra(ka) means "to make something clean and appropriate", and it is okay to interpret it as "purity is made from this person". But Buddha After studying the Buddhist Tibetan Dharma, scholars were unable to draw the conclusion that "pure people = slaves". Even the Guangluo rules such as "Ten Recitations", "Four Fen", "Sangkha", and "Zen Vinaiya" also defined that the Pure people should be served by devout lay Buddhists or garden guards [107]. Therefore, Xiao Pan deliberately used bondmen (meaning "serfs", "servants", "slaves" and other translations, and Jonathan A.Silk also intends to use neutral names such as "legalizer", "purifier", "intermediary" and other neutral names [108]. Then "it's okay to be sure that all slaves and servants are named Pure people. If you call a slave, you will be more than a natural explanation for the Chinese.

may have noticed the original definition of Guanglu that the "Ji" master strongly advocated that "the monks and ladies are definitely not slaves at this time" (this "Ji" master should be Rongji lawyer, cited in detail). As for the Indian model described by Tang Sanzang (unknown as Xuanzang), it has similarities with the Chinese feudal system and the European feudal system. Unfortunately, it is not enough to compare with the Chinese feudal system in the West. Their identities should be placed in which rank of slaves, semi-slaves, and even ordinary people. However, the most interesting thing should be what Master Li said. I think this person should be active before Tianbao, and it is very likely that Huili, the original author of "Biography of the Three Zang Master of Ci'en Temple in the Great Tang Dynasty". The following is to describe his evidence.

First of all, it can be considered that Dajue's "Chaopu" should be written before Tianbao. Volume 1 of "You Fang Ji Copy" was in 12 months. In the 12th month of Tianbao, Japanese envoys led a large number of Buddhist relics and scriptures. The book returned to China, including Dingbin's lawyer's "Embroidering the Zongyi Ji", and other documents of the Vinaya sect, including the fourteen volumes of Dajue's "Creation Records" [109]. The copy of the "Creation Records" in Japan is indeed 14 volumes, so it should be one of the manuscripts passed down by "Creation Records" in Japan. It must be admitted that there is very little information about "Lichi lawyer" in the Taisho Tsang, and there are even examples of it as a later Tang Dynasty [110]. However, we should note that the Tang Dynasty's "Suan Lu Interpretation of the Four-Part Laws and the Four-Part Laws" quoted a large number of "Lichi" masters The opinions, and the preface explanation are as follows [111]:

Now search for the mysterious meaning and read this article. … (Omitted in the middle)… However, the quotations in the article all show their names. The interpretation of the meaning is not bad, and the matter is achieved. Lawyer Zhishou, the principal of the credit card is taken to receive the ritual of the caution of the karma. Zhongyan, the principal of the building scripture, and the principal of the credit card is written by himself. Lawyer Ci in Ximingsi, the author of the text says Ci and Xiyun in the text. Lawyer Rongji in Puzhou. Lawyer Shen in Quanzhou. Lawyer Jing in Nanquansi. Lawyer Tansheng in Jingzhou, and the principal of the text says Dangyang in Wenzhou. Lawyer Lin in Huzhou.Lawyer Dazenji Hai. Lawyer Linggu, Chongsheng Temple. Lawyer Chongfu, Guangyan Temple. The lawyer of Fahua Temple in Yuezhou, Wenyun is the one who assists the chapter. Lawyer Dajue, Huayan Temple, Hangzhou. Lawyer Benchang, Lingyin Temple in Hangzhou. Attorney Yixuan, Xingning Temple in Changzhou, Wen Yun is the one who compromises. The lawyer Yiwei of Tianzhu Temple in Hangzhou, who is the one who leads Yunling Mountain and Tianzhu. Lawyer of Suzhou Baoen Temple, the one who cited Yunzhizhi was. Lawyer Tanyi, Kaiyuan Temple in Yuezhou, is the one who attracts the heart. He also found a lawyer. The lawyer Wei Qian of the Samadhi Temple in Runzhou, summoning the King of Samadhi. The lawyer of Qingyan, Shuanglin Temple in Hangzhou, is the one who leads Yun Fuyang. Lawyer Langran of Runzhou Cihe Temple, who is the one who points out Yun Cihe. Lawyer Daoheng, Kaiyuan Temple in Suzhou. Since I or this article is published in the citation, I have become famous. Some people have meaning but don’t get the name, but only record the meaning but ignore the name. The records of the above are popular in the world. No one knows the number of people who have not seen it since they were not seen. By citing the meaning according to the name, it indicates that the precepts are consistent. In the list of

, only "Lawyer" did not have his hometown, temple or alias, and was obviously a celebrity at that time. As for this preface, Volume 15 of "Biography of the Great Monk of Song Dynasty" says: "...the mysterious of the money is recorded, and it is written into twenty volumes, and it is called the "Souxuan Lu". In the Dali, Huayan Shuzhuan was the main master of Chengguan and Xun, which is the first of the preface" [112]. Therefore, the "Lian" teacher recorded in "Souxuan Lu" and Dajue's "Chaopu" must have been a person in the prosperous Tang Dynasty. The text quoted above also shows that this "Ling" master tried to argue with his traditional views and his style was in line with Huili's image of Shimen Jilu who "has a nature and a spirit, and takes protecting the Dharma as his own responsibility." Moreover, Huili repeatedly represented the Buddhist community and Taoist people to fight against each other in the court [114]. Therefore, in the prosperous Tang Dynasty, he was called "Li" and did not think of a second person except Huili. If so, given that Huili is committed to writing the "Biography of Ci'en", he must be more familiar with the affairs of the Western Regions than most people. So although the "Western Kingdom" is unclear, we can still think that some Westerners claim to be self-proclaimed with their motivations, which is different from the reality of China at that time. Therefore, in the West, the Pure Man is not so much a nickname as a slave, but rather a general term for various people who serve temples and monks. In this historical environment, it is not surprising that some people who work for Kucha Temple seem to have a high social status and hold half of their positions.

As for the extent to which Sogdians integrate into local society, this issue is still subject to the quality of the unearthed documents. Judging from the limited Kucha language information, it can be at least speculated that the Sogdians' working and cooperation with other residents should be quite common. In D.A., Suklyike took over the task of purifying people from Cinaupte; while Kizil's Putteyāne worked with the female "Zhanghengren" with their own unique names. Perhaps it is in this social environment that a mixed-style name like Baimibodifin was produced. These materials reveal that the name of Ramijishan in Table 2 is likely to be of this kind of mixed type, and the beginning of the name should be the common beginning of Kucha’s name Mik(k)i-.

Conclusion

Based on the views of scholars such as Eixine, Yoshida Toyoko, and Kageyama Eiko, it can be believed that some Kucha Sogdians adhered to the original religious culture, so Zoroastrian urns and other relics were unearthed in Kuche. On the other hand, murals and documents unearthed in the Tang Dynasty showed that there might be Sogdian Buddhists in the local area. Through the analysis of the Kucha Temple tent, this article confirms that during the Tang Dynasty, there should not only be Sogdian residents here, but some of them also took charge of the entry and exit of Buddhist temple materials and made substantial contributions to the operation and development of the temple. This also indirectly echoes the mural's method of portraying several wealthy business owners as the appearance of Sogdians. A few Buddhists, such as Puttewante, even actively intervened in local government affairs, including tax collection, horse collection, etc. Although the title and affiliation are unknown, this person is obviously related to both governments. From this point of view, it can be said that some Sogdian residents were active in the Anxi society in the Tang Dynasty. In a nutshell, the role played by Sogdian Buddhists in the Kucha society in the Tang Dynasty is very worthy of scholars' attention, and they are probably one of the important supporters of the local Buddhist temple economy at that time.

[1]This article is one of the results of the 49th batch of Chinese Postdoctoral Science Foundation funded by Peking University, "Tcharite Secular Documents and Ancient History of Kucha" (Support No.: 20110490212).The content is based on the scattered Sogdian-related materials from Chapters 2 to 7 of my doctoral thesis SecularDocuments in Tocharian: Buddhist Economy and Society in the Kucha Region (2010, French Institute of Advanced Studies) and is published in a comprehensive manner. The English paper "Theactivities of Sogdian Buddhists in Kucha as observed in the Tocharian B secular documents" was read on June 23, 2011 at the Buddhists among Iranian Peoples (theXVIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies) and will be published in Buddhistsmamong the Iranian Peoples of Central Asia, ed.M.DeChiara, M.Maggianand G.Martini, when rewritten into Chinese, has been adjusted, especially the omission of most Kucha quotations and notes, and the discussion on Chinese Buddhist scriptures and unearthed Chinese documents has been slightly expanded, so readers should refer to it.

[2] means unearthed documents 66TAM61:17(b), 23(b), 27/2, 27/1(b), see "Turpan Unearthed Documents", Cultural Relics Press, 1996, pp. 242-243. Since the earliest articles and discussions of Huang Huixian (the Interpretation of "The Declaration of the Shang'an Xidu Prefecture of Gaochang County, Xizhou, Tang Xizhou, Tang Xizhou, for the Interpretation of Cao Lushan and Li Shaojin's Two Demons", edited by Tang Changru: "A Preliminary Study on the Documents of Turpan in Dunhuang, Wuhan University Press, 1983, pp. 344-363), there are many works. The recent discussions include the revision and Japanese translation of the recording by Masaharu Arakawa's "Xinghu Trading Circle" (author "Author "Transportation·Transactions and Empire of the Tang Dynasty", Nagoya University Press, 2010, pp. 370-378).

[3] Kageyama Yuko explains that these six items are Pelliotsogdien 27a, 27b(1)-(3), Pelliotchinois D.A.77, 220 (E. Kageyama, "Sogdiansin Kucha, astudy from archaeological and iconographical material", Les Sogdiens en Chine, ed.É.dela Vaissière and É.Trombert, Paris 2005, p.363n.5). See also Yoshida Toshi, "Sogdian Miscellany III", "Study on the Words of the Inner Mongolian" 5, 1989, pp.93-94; and "Sogdian Miscellany III", Corolla Iranica. Papers in Honour of Prof.Dr.David Neil MacKenzie on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday on April8th, 1991, ed.R.E.Emmerick and D.Weber, Frankfurtam Main 1991, p.238n.9; and "Sogdian Information and People's Activities", Kazuichi Kawayama: "Iwahara Lecture·World History 11 "Review of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China", Tokyo Iwaha Bookstore, 1997, p. 232; and "Review of the book of É.de la Vaissière, Histoiredes marchands sogdiens, 2002, Paris," Journal of Royal Asianatic Society, 14, 2004, p. 174. These fragments are undoubtedly the "Uighur text fragments" mentioned by Pelcius and D.A. for details, see P. Pelliot, Carnets de Route 1906-1908, Paris 2008, p. 140.

[4] Cave 222 of Kizil (recorded as Cave 220 at the time) and Cave 7 of Kumutula. See "Sogdian Miscellany (III)" page 93; Toyoshi Yoshida: "New Information on the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region", "Research on the Language of the Inner Mongolian Language" 6, 1990, pp. 65-66, 68-73; "Sogdian Miscellany III", pp. 238-239.

[5] There are many discussions. See “Sabaoor Sabo: Sogdiancaravan leaders in the wall-paintings in Buddhism caves”, LesSogdiens en Chine, pp.207-219) and Sogdiansin Kucha (pp.363-365).

[6]Kageyama, "SogdiansinKucha", p.369. Quote here, namely, Ekiko Kaedao: "The Sogdians in Kucha: Studying from an Archaeological and Imaging perspective", "French Sinology" Volume 10, "The Sogdians in China - New Exploration of History, Archaeology, and Language", 2005, p. 195.

[7] Rong Xinjiang: "A Complementary Study on Sogdian Immigration Villages in the Western Regions", "Western Regions Research" No. 2, 2005; English translation is "Further Remarks on Sogdians in the West Regions", Exegisti Monumenta, Festschriftin Honour of Nicholas Sims-Williams, ed.W. Sundermann, A. Hintzeand F. de Blois, Wiesbaden 2009, p.412.

[8] means An Fuqin (see note [13]), Cao Dede, An Yuanjun, and Cao Meijun. "Study on Sogdian Immigration Settlement in the Western Regions" was originally published in "Study on the Western Regions and Research", Xinjiang People's Publishing House, 1994; this is based on the author "Middle China and Foreign Civilization" (Beijing Sanlian Bookstore, 2001).See "Sogdians around the Ancient Tarim Basin", Ērānud Anērān. Studies Presented to Boris Il’ič Maršak on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, ed.M. Comparetti, P. Raffetta and G. Scarcia, Venezia 2006, p.522.

[9] means Luo Hu [shu?]Fen, Shi Chuo, Cao Shili, An Xufa, Antun Lang, Shi Baan (?) Yan, An Fushao, Mi Shisi, An Fuyan (Chinese version, pages 8-9; English translation, pages 409-410).

[10] The asterisks in Table 1 and Table 2 represent the author's clumsy record. The maternal collection of the Dharma Tibetan documents is the result of the original document review, while the Otani document reviews the digital photos provided by Longgu University on the "International Dunhuang Project" website.

[11] J.K.Skaff, "DocumentingSogdian society at Turfan in the seventh and eight centuries: TangDynasty census records as a window on culturaldistinction", LesSogdiens en Chine, pp.311-342.

[12] Table of the first volume of "Otani Documents Integration" edited by Yoshihisa Oda (Kyoto Faculty Library, 1984) is briefly "Integration" (I); Volume 3 (Kyoto Faculty Library, 2003) is briefly "Integration" (I); Tunhuangand Turfan Documents Concerning Social and Economic History, vol.3 (Tokyo1986-1987) is slightly TTD3; É.Trombert, LesManuscrits Chinois de Koutcha.Fonds Pelliot de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris2000) is slightly "child record".

[13] has also been recorded as An Fuqin, Ru Rong Xinjiang: "A Study on Sogdian Immigration Settlement in the Western Regions", page 33.

[14] Tong Pilu wrote [Sample?] Ding, Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhi read it as Said Ding (see "See the Political and Economic Life of the Anxi Protectorate Prefecture Region from Unearthed Documents in Kuqa", and submitted the paper "Tang Dynasty Western Region Civilization-Anxi Protectorate International Academic Symposium", Wuhan University, 1997, page 4; revised and published in "Kucha Culture Research" Volume 1, 2005, page 107). In addition, Rong Xinjiang's article "A Complementary Examination of Sogdian Immigration Settlements in the Western Regions" pointed out that Huairoufang may be the place where the Kucha Governor's Office accommodated the Hu people from the West (Chinese version, page 8, English translation, page 409). I would like to thank Professor Rong Xinjiang for providing the conference papers of the two gentlemen for reference.

[15] "Otani Documents Integration" is recorded as Fu Shao.

[16] "Otani Documents Integration" was recorded as Antun Lang. Tunhuangd Turfan Documents Concerning Social and EconomicHistory is recorded as Stuanniang. Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhi also recorded as Antun Niang (Page 13 of the conference papers mentioned above), but were revised to Shitun Niang.

[17] Tong Pi read Cao Han (叶叶) Jun. Here is a document based on "A Study on Sogdian Immigration Settlement in the Western Regions", but it seems that it can also be read as handsome.

[18] "Integration" record and show? Mao is.

[19] "Integration" was recorded as Si Niang.

[20] There are many errors in the recording of "Integration". Especially "multiple" is mistakenly called "中", and "品" (i.e. "moving") is mistakenly called "good".

[21] Zhang Guangda understands the upper household as the upper household among the three grades of upper, middle and lower households; and Rong Xinjiang translates it as the upper household (see G. Zhang, "L’irrigationdans la région de Koutcha", Lesmanuscrits chinois de Koutcha, p.149; Rong, "Further Remarks on Sogdians in the West Regions", p.409). This article temporarily adopts the former view.

[22] "Integration" was recorded as Shi Baan Yan. Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhi have read this name in "Viewing the Political and Economic Life of the Anxi Prefecture Prefecture of Tang Dynasty from the Unearthed Documents of Kuqa" (Revised Edition, page 122).

[23] Tong Pilu became a servant slave. But in fact, this person's name was filled in after the whole article was written, so the shape of the characters was awkward.

[24] The word "official" is not recorded in "Integration". Professor Chengrong Xine gave advice and Mr. Ikeda Wen submitted the original manuscript of the conference paper "Ogata Inquiry Team's Future Chinese Documents Overview" submitted to the "Fifth Japanese and Buddhist Academic Conference" (Ryugao University, 1988) has been recorded in the word "Travel Officer", but the document was not published at the time of official publication. Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhi (page 114 of the above article) also recorded the travel official.

[25] Recently, Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhi read "Luo" on the remnant contract O.1505 (Page 124 of the above article). But I suspect it should be read as "male".

[26] Ikeda Toshi: "The settlement of people from Dunhuang in the mid-8th century", "Research on Culture of ユーラシア" No. 1, 1965, pp. 60-61.

[27] Rong Xinjiang: "The internal form of Sogdian settlements in the Sui and Tang Dynasties in the Northern Dynasties", "Medieval China and Foreign Civilization", pp. 131, 133, 173; V. Hansen, "The impact of the Silk Road trade on a local community: The Turfan oasis, 500-800", LesSogdiens en Chine, p. 291.

[28] Arakawa Masaharu: "Trading Activities of the Tang Empire", "Oriental History Research" 56/3, 1997, page 181.

[29] Ikeda Toshi: "The settlement of people from Dunhuang in the mid-8th century", page 61. Recently, many scholars such as Rong Xinjiang, Han Sen and others have accepted this view (see note ② on this page).

[30] Toyoshi Yoshida: "Sino-Iranica", "Southwest Aquarium Research" No. 48, 1998, pp. 37-38.

[31] Arakawa Masaharu: "Trading Activities of the Tang Empire", page 172, page 199 Note 4.

[32] Tong Pi carefully recorded it as Luohu[number?]Fen, but there is no doubt that it is read as "number".

[33]Tunhuang and Turfan Documents Concerning Social and EconomicHistory records are Luo? Good at capturing secrets. Tong Pi recorded it as Luo Shanti Li (Ou Chasing Secret). Recently, Chen Guocan and Liu Anzhilu introduced secrets to Luo Shan (page 126 of the above article).

[34] "Integration" is recorded as Luo □□.

[35]P.B.Lurje, PersonalNames in Sogdian Texts, Wien2010, No.327. Professor Yoshida wrote to him on June 13, 2011. The name βrwx/Farox/ appeared on a photo of an unknown Sogdian document in China, which may correspond to Fule.

[36] See Ikeda Tsuen: "The settlement of people from Dunhuang in the mid-8th century", pages 63 and 88.

[37] Ikeda Wen and Weber first pointed out that Sogdian forms such as pwtty’n, pwty’n, pwtty’n “Buddha’s boon” can correspond to Chinese Fudiyan (Ikeda Wen: Revealed, p. 63; D. Weber, “Zursogdischen Personennamebung”, Indogermanische Forschungen, 77, 1972, p. 201). As for the "Fuyan" here, Lurje and the author have recently compared it with this Sogdian name (Lurje, PersonalNames in Sogdian Texts, No. 966). However, in the past, Yoshida Toshi believed that Fuyan might come from an unknown Iranian name with the same origin as the Avista Friiāna ("Sino-Iranica", pp.37, 46n.21), which was also adopted by "A Complementary Examination of Sogdian Immigration Settlements in the Western Regions" (Chinese page 9; English translation page 410).

[38] "A Complementary Examination of Sogdian Immigration Settlements in Western Regions" mentions that Luohu [number?]Fen is quite similar to the name of Sogdian Hu, but it is not discussed in detail (Chinese text page 8, English translation page 409). Inspired by Yoshida Toyoshi and Eiko Kageyama's explanation of He Hushula ("Sogdiannames in Chinese characters, Pinyin, reconstructed Sogdian pronunciation, and English meanings", Les Sogdiens enChine, pp. 305-306), I made a biding in my doctoral thesis (p. 436), but did not notice that Weber had already discussed Anhushufeng in Dunhuang (see Ikeda Wen: "The Settlements of People in the Middle 8th Century", p. 63; Weber, Zur Sogdischen Personennamebung, p. 200). But it was a bit far-fetched to Webber contact him to wγšyfrn. It is worth mentioning that Lurje's Biding coincides with the author again, see Lurje, PersonalNames in Sogdian Texts, No. 500.

[39]É.Trombert, LesManuscrits Chinois deKoutcha, p.82; Rong Xinjiang: "A Complementary Examination of Sogdian Immigration Villages in the Western Regions" (Chinese page 8, English translation page 409).

[40] My doctoral thesis, page 436.

[41] This person sees the 31st line of the unearthed document "Zhang Junyi's Announcement in the Second Year of Jingyun in the Tang Dynasty (711 AD). For details, please see the first volume of "Interpretation of the Original Works of Dunhuang Social and Economic Documents" edited by Tang Gengco and Lu Hongji. Beijing Bibliography Documentation Publishing House, 1986, pp. 278-282.

[42] Yoshida Tokiha has interpreted "Nona" as a transliteration of the Sogdian word Yānakk ("Pretty") ("Sino-Iranica", p.41).Professor Chengrong Xinjiang informed that the base of a stone-carved pagoda in Luoyang was also engraved with a name Shi Yena. The full text is "On the 27th day of the first lunar month of the third year of Kaiyuan, the family Shi Yena built a five-level floating map for the former Wang Yuanshao of Cao." The picture is shown in the Luoyang Ancient Art Museum's "Luoyang Ancient Art Museum·Grottoes·Tenques" (not published in the publication), page 21. The name "Ya Na" also appeared in the Sogdian settlement in Dunhuang, but Ikeda Feng mistakenly imitated the second word as fan ("Dunhuang settlement in the mid-8th century", page 65).

[43] For example, statistics conducted by Ikeda Wen (supported above), Ei Xinjiang ("Internal form of Sogdian settlements in the Sui and Tang Dynasties", pages 132-135) and Sgarf (supported above).

[44] has a lot of discussions. For details, please see Rong Xinjiang's article "Academic and Religious Beliefs of An Lushan" (originally published in the "Proceedings of the Third Tang Academic Seminar" compiled by the Chinese Tang Dynasty Society, 1997, pp. 231-241. Included in the author: "Medieval China and Foreign Civilization", pp. 222-237; in 2010 it was re-defined as "Race and Religious Background of An Lushan Rebellion", "Sui, Tang, Liao, Song, Jin and Yuan History Theory Series" 1, 2010, pp. 86-103). As he said, from a cultural point of view, it is indeed considered that both of them are quite authentic Sogdians.

[45] Rong Xinjiang: "Race and Religious Background of An Lushan Rebellion", page 93 Note 1.

[46] For example, Yoshida Toyoshi once pointed out that the Romani Fen in the unearthed documents of Hotan should be a reflection of this phenomenon. Its views were originally cited in Masaharu Arakawa: "Underground Unearthed in the Tang Dynasty, Analysis of Ulaga's Literature and Literature," "Ryugu's Historical World" No. 103/104, 1994, pp. 38-39 Note 24, later officially published in "Sino-Iranica", p.41.

[47] The special case is the Kucha fragment PKL.C.XXVII unearthed from D.A., which seems to be related to official or private collection of clothes. After the last date, the word "mi" is signed separately. The direction is different from the Kucha word written horizontally, but the same as the Chinese style. Perhaps it was signed by the collector surnamed Mi. For details, see page 232 of my doctoral thesis; idem., “Silkin Ancient Kucha: on the Toch.B word kaum* found in the documents of the Tang period”, Tocharian and Indo-European Studies, 12, p.64n.8.

[48] is the original text of "aSogdian given name or mention of birth in Sogdia are the safestandard" ("DocumentingSogdian Society at Turfan in the Seventh and EighthCenturies", p.313). The Chinese translation translates "the safest standard" to "the fastest identification method", which is inaccurate (see Sgarf: "Literary Records of Gaochang Sogdian Society in the 7th and 8th Century AD: The Differences and Evolution of Cultures Seen in Household Registration in the Tang Dynasty", "French Sinology" Volume 10, p. 143).

[49] See Jiang Boqin: "Dunhuang Temple Household System in the Tang and Five Dynasties", Beijing Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, page 270.

[50] This person comes from "no

" (i.e. "no obstacle"), and should be the name of the local village. Tong Pi interprets it as "Wu Xun Susheti Village", which is inaccurate.

[51] This suffix is very common. The author has proved that the Jupandili of Pelliot Chinois D.A.53 and the White Jupandili of the Kongmusi document collected in the Lushun Museum are all transliterations of the Kucha name *Kumpantile. The aforementioned names Kompile, who appeared in Huang Wenbi's document and Cp.19, also have this suffix (see "Silkin Ancient Kucha", p.66n.12; other corresponding names are found in my doctoral thesis, pages 431-436, which will be changed to Chinese publication in the near future).

[52] The author discusses the situation of Kucha phonological changes reflected in secular documents. For details, please see pages 143-144 of my doctoral thesis; and also: "Onthe word ṣau foundin the Kuchean secular documents", GreatJourneys Cross Pamir on the Silk Road: AFestschrift in Honor of Zhang Guangda on His EightiethBirthday, ed.H.Chenand X.Rong, forthcoming.

[53] See La Vaissière, “Châkars Sogdiens en Chine”, Les Sogdiens en Chine, pp.255-260 for recent discussions.

[54] See Or.8212/1557 unearthed in Mazhatag (Chen Guocan: "Research on the Unearthed Documents of Turpan obtained by Stein" (revised version), Wuhan University Press, 1997, p. 503).

[55] For example, S.5871 "The official Huo Xinyue, the leap month of the 17th year of the Dali period of the Tang Dynasty (782)," S.5867 "The 7th year of Jianzhong, the 7th year of the Tang Dynasty (782)," (see Chen Guocan: "Research on the Unearthed Documents of Turpan obtained by Stein", pp. 544-547).

[56] It is worth noting that Rong Xinjiang once believed that the name of Cao Sculpture should be Sogdian, and its primitives need to be further explored (see "Make-up for Sogdian Immigration Settlement in the Western Regions" page 8; English translation page 410).

[57] D.Weber, "Sogdische Miszellen", Indogermanische Forschungen, 80, 1975, p.97. Tong Pure said that Schmidt searched for Sogdians' names in the 1970s, and published it as the conference newsletter "Beiträgezur tocharischen Personennamenkunde", but it was not published in the end. See X.Tremblay, “Irano-Tocharicaet Tocharo-Iranica”, Bulletinof the School of Oriental and African Studies, 68/3, 2005, p.439.

[58] K.T. Schmidt, "Bemerkungenzum Einleitungsteil des osttocharischenMaitreyasamitināṭaka", Splitteraus der Gegend von Turfan, Festschriftfür Peter Zieme anläβlich seines 60. Geburtstags, Ö.Mehmetand S.-C. Raschmann, Istanbul2002, pp.263-264. Responsive Sogdian names are also seen in Weber, "ZurSogdischen Personennamebung", p.199; Lurje, PersonalNames in Sogdian Texts, No.794.

[59] The author has published the results of Sogdian names in the unearthed documents of Kuche, including the conference paper "Onthe names of cereals in Tocharian B", The Scientific Conference Dedicated to Centenary since the Beginning of Deciphering of the Tocharian Texts (Moscow-St. Petersburg, 2008), Studia Orientalia et Classica, forthcoming; the doctoral thesis by my writings, pp. 432-433; C. Ching and H. Ogihara, "Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the BerlinCollection”, "Research on the Words of the Inner Land", 25, 2010, p.96.

[60] S.Lévi, "Le "tokharien B", langued Koutcha", Journal Asiatique, 11esérie, 2, 1913, p.316, Feng Chengjun has not translated this section.

[61] Cp. series overview see G.-J. Pinault, “Concordance des manuscris tokhariens du fonds Pelliot”, Instrumenta Tocharica, ed.M. Malzahn, Heidelberg 2007, pp.163-219. This series is also known as the Pelliot Koutché en D.A.M. (507) series. However, this article avoids this title, because M.507 was originally the unique flowing water number of Cp.37+36, it was unearthed in a room aisle (Pelliot, Carnetsde router 1906-1908, pp.139-140), and was found to be different from other Changjuan Temple tents unearthed from D.A. In addition, Cp.32 and 32b are not sure whether they are unearthed from the D.A. site. Therefore, in recent years, the museum has renamed the Cp. series Pelliot Koutchéen D.A.M. (507) series, which is easy to cause misunderstanding. For details, please see pages 109-111 of my doctoral thesis.

[62]Putewante 13 times, Puttewante 20 times (including the situation of incomplete text).

[63] Toyoshi Yoshida ("Sino-Iranica", p.40) has discussed the various related forms of this name in detail, so I will not repeat them here.

[64] Yoshida Toshi discussed many examples of the transliterations of "Pantu", "Pantu", "Pantu" corresponding to the Sogdian word "slave", see the author: "TheSogdian version of the new Xi'an Inscription", LesSogdiens en Chine, pp.60-62. As for the sound changes of Kucha VpV VwV, see M.Peyrot, Variation and Change in Tocharian B, Amsterdam2008, pp.88-90.

[65] The linguistic explanation for the ending of e is taught here by Professor Desmond Durkin-Meisternst (email November 10, 2008), thank you here.

[66] Toyoshi Yoshida: "Bisāa-and Hālaa- in a New Chinese-Khotanse Bilingual Document", Page 246 Note 3; Also: "Japan's custody of the Medieval Documents - Attached by Beijing Shuo Library -", "Bisāa-and Hālaa- in a New Chinese-Khotanse Bilingual Document", Journalof Inner Asian Art and Archaeology, 3, 2008, p.66. Thank you to Professor Yoshida for his advice (emailed on June 16, 2011).

[67] This may come from a name component formed by the Sogdian language m’n (“heart, mind”) followed by the common Sogdian suffix-č.

[68] My doctoral thesis, page 215; Ching and Ogihara, "ATocharian B sale contract on a wooden tablet", Journalof Inner Asian Art and Archaeology, 5, forthcoming. The bracketing method in Kucha Chinese translation here compares the principles of Tochari, that is, /// means left and right incomplete; square brackets represent half-incomplete but still understandable words; round brackets represent serious incomplete words and words restored based on Tochari grammar or researcher experience. In the Chinese translation, the brackets also represent the sentence components supplemented and interpreted according to the context or Chinese grammar.

[69] "Clean Man" roughly corresponds to the Buddhist Sanskrit word kalpikāra(ka)-. My doctoral thesis has reviewed and commented on its name and usage (especially see pages 17, 46-52, 470-479), and see the next section.

[70] Schmidt's opinion is cited in K. Wille, Sanskrithanschriftenaus den Turfanfunden Teil 9: DieKatalognummern 2000-3199, Stuttgart 2004, pp.58-59.

[71] Page 432 of my doctoral thesis. For the comparison between Turkic Izgil and Sijie, see Hidemi Onogawa: "Turkish Inscriptions and Annotations", "Manchu and Mongolian Historical Theory Collection" Volume 4, 1943, pp. 60 and 130. Thank you Professor Yoshida Toyoshi for emailing the advice on June 16, 2011.

[72] For details on the painting finger on the Kucha Temple tent, see Ching and Ogihara, "Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection", pp.117-127.

[73] The Kucha word Lariśka means "little love". Wolfgang Krause has pointed out that Kimña should be related to the Chinese word "gold" (idem., "Eigennamenin tocharischen Texten", Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher, 25, 1953, p.14).

[74]Ching and Ogihara, “Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection”, p.92.

[75] means the right fragment of THT464 and THT473.

[76]ibid., pp.92-94, plateV.

[77]ibid., plateVI.

[78] For the situation and historical significance of the Chinese "tax grain" borrowed from Kucha, see my doctoral thesis, pages 134-137; Ching and Ogihara, "Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection", pp.92, 108-109.

[79]W.Couvreur, "Tochaarsekloosterrekeningen en karavaanpassen van de Bibliothèque Nationale Parijs", Handelingenvan het twintigste Vlaams Filologens congress, Antwerpen1953, pp.90-96.

[80]Cp.40+42 Once transcribed and translated by Professor Pinault, see Pinault, “Aspects du bouddhisme pratiqué au nord du désert du Taklamakan, d’aprèsles documents tokhariens”, Bouddhismeet Cultures Locales.Quelques cas de Réciproques Adaptations, Actes du colloque franco-japonais (Paris, 23-27 septembre 1991), ed.F.Fukuiand G.Fussman, Paris 1994, pp.85-113.

[81] See pages 471-476 of my doctoral thesis.

[82] Each serving of Buddha's food is estimated to range from 3 to 5 yuan. If the price of grain in Cp.37+36 is used (details below), a portion of Buddha's food is worth about half a dou to one dou of grain. Although this is not an accurate estimate, it still gives us an impression that what is involved in this is not a huge amount of transactions.

[83] For the convenience of printing, the small words "submitted" and other books are added to indicate it.

[84] For example, "The Ten Recitations of the Vinaya": "There are endless things on the pagoda. The Vinaya leaves the people and uses the pagoda to turn over the tower to offer the benefits. This person seeks profit, so he wants to go far away. He holds this thing to the monk: "Elder. You should make a fortune, so that you can make a fortune and offer the tower to offer the benefits." The monk said: "The Buddha has not heard that we have come out of the pagoda and give the benefits and offer the tower to offer the benefits and offer the tower." This is what the Buddha said: "If the Pure One in the Monk's House is a Pagoda, he will get the offering tower. This is called "There is endless things on the pagoda." (Taisho Tsang 23, page 415.) The author briefly reads the sentence.

[85] See Chingand Ogihara, “Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection”, p.100n.49. This may be an official title or a local named in Turkic.For the correspondence between Kucha cor and Turkic čor, see G.-J. Pinault, “Letokharien pratiqué par les Ouïgours: àpropos d’un fragment en tokharien A du Musée Guimet”, Études de Dunhuang et Turfan, ed.J.-P. Drège, Genève 2007, p.349.

[86]Wrau is generally interpreted as a crow, which is a common name. This naming method is similar to the kite that appears in O.8074's "Anxi Kucha Chako Book".

[87] literally means "but there is no debt".

[88]Pinault, ChristomathieTokharienne: Textet Grammaire, Leuven2008, p.384.

[89]Ching and Ogihara, "ATocharian B Sale Contract on a Wooden Tablet".

[90]Kucha yasiś (singular directional grid of yasi*). As the advice of Ogihara, this word seems to be a variant of the infinitive yatsi of the verb i-"go, go". This can be explained as going to the army or attending the army, which may be to entertain the nearby army (Page 218 of my doctoral thesis).

[91] My doctoral thesis, page 432. This name is equivalent to the Turkic word čabš, and the Sogdian and Chinese forms are cp’yš and Chebishi respectively. Russian Tibetan Kucha famous book SIP/117 also has people with the same name, see Pinault, "Economicand administrative documents in Tocharian B from the Berezovsky and Petrovsky collections", Manuscripta Orientalia, 4/4, 1998, pp.13-15.

[92] Regarding this museum and the Kusawa Pavilion mentioned in the Suklyike section below, see my doctoral thesis, pages 139-140; Ching and Ogihara, "Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection", pp.107-108.

[93] probably means that Cipaiśe has nowhere to complain, so he has to busy making up for the owed food.

[94] See my article "Silkin Ancient Kucha", pp.67-70.

[95] The price is equivalent to 5.5lwāṅke. lwāṅke may mean a pottery jar or a pottery jar. If the price of 16 stakes per bucket in Cp.24 can be used to estimate the document, then 1lwāṅke is about 34.3 s. However, the price fluctuation range between the time of writing the draft and the rest of the Cp. Documentary Era is still unknown.

[96] Where Laraiyśe is shown in the Wantiśke section below, and Koroy is shown in the comprehensive discussion below.

[97] Start with barley harvest at the turn of May and June. The Cp.8 published by Pino also starts in early June and ends in December (see "Aspects du bouddhisme pratiqué au nord du désert du Taklamakan", pp.106-107).

[98] This doctoral thesis proposed the recording, English translation and unearthing location of four documents, and was officially published as the conference paper "On the Four Secular Documents of Kucha Language Discovered by Huang Wenbi", submitted at the "First International Academic Symposium on Ancient Books of Chinese Ethnic Minorities", Central University for Nationalities, October 2010. The conference's collection is being compiled.

[99] The author and Ogihara once pointed out the similarity of this system to similar Chinese documents, see Ching and Ogihara, "Onthe Internal Relationships and the Dating of the Tocharian BMonastic Accounts in the Berlin Collection", pp.85, 97.

[100] This Kucha monk title with Sanskrit characteristics (*pañca-vārika) can also be understood as "five monks in charge" (ibid., p.86).

[101] Pino mentioned these two documents in "Aspects du bouddhisme pratiqué au nord du désert du Taklamakan, d’aprèsles Documents Tokhariens", and transcribed and translated the sixth and tenth columns of Cp.7 (ibid., p.94). The full text is transcribed and translated on pages 184-187 of my doctoral thesis.

[102] My doctoral thesis, pages 452-455.

[103]Cp37+36.32-33, see page 442 of my doctoral thesis. Koroy appears on the list of drawings at the end of the draft, and it can be considered that he is also a pure man. This person's name should be the same as the half-white bone in Cp.31, but it is not certain whether it is the same person.

[104] "Fourth-part Laws Acting Notes" Volume 9 ("Continuation of Taisho Tsang" 42, page 865). The author briefly changed the sentence and proposed the English translation and interpretation on page 50 of the doctoral thesis.

[105] "Taisho Ksitigarbha" 23, page 251.

[106]G.Schopen, "The Monastic Ownership of Servants or Slaves: Local and Legal Factors in the Redactional History of Two Vinayas", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 17 (2), 1994, pp.145-173.

[107] See pages 17-52 of my doctoral thesis for details.

[108] J.Silk, ManagingMonks.Administrators and Administrative Roles in Indian BuddhismMonasticism, NewYork, 2008.

[109] "Taisho Tsang" May Day, pages 992-993.

[110] As the "Mark of the Records of the Constitutions of the Constitution" in Japan, it is called a certain "Mark of the Constitutions of the Constitutions" by the lawyer Li of the Later Tang Dynasty ("Continued Taisho Tsang" 44, page 304).

[111] "Continuation of Taisho Tsang" 41, page 833. The author revised the sentence reading, changed Kangzhou to Hangzhou, and changed Feng Qian to Wei Qian, the author of "The Collection of the Collection of the Book of Changes".

[112] "Taisho Ksitigarbha" 50, page 801.

[113] "Biography of the Great Monk of Song Dynasty" Volume 4 (Taisho Tsang Tsang 50, page 728) and volume 17 (page 813).

[114] See Volume 8 of "The General Mirror of the Buddha" (Sutra Tatsuo Tsang) 76, pp. 87-88) and Daoxuan's "Collecting the Ancient and Modern Buddhism and the Path of the Tao" Volume 4 (Sutra Tatsuo Tsang) 52, pp. 387-388).

Author unit: Department of History, Peking University

Source: "Western Region Research" 2012 Issue 2

Most of the right side was burned, the upper half was numbered Cp.37 (4 pages of paper) and the lower half was numbered Cp.36 (5 pages of paper). Currently, it is stored separately, but in fact, the text before and after can be connected. Levi called it "procès-verbal" and pointed out that the content is related to the lawsuit, and the defendant was named Puttewatte [60]. Due to burning, writing sloppy and alteration, this document has never been published in the picture or recording, and Levi's name remains in use today. In 2007, Professor Georges-Jean Pinault gave me a preliminary record of the Cp. Document Series more than ten years ago [61]. After reviewing the original and re-recording the document, I thought that this long scroll was more like a promulgation than a court record, which is a statement of a named case that has not been completed. Although the right side of the last paragraph of the drawing list was burned, I don’t know if the drawing finger was indeed left at the beginning, some of the previous and subsequent narratives in the illustrations were a little disordered, and there were also many deletions and revisions. It should not be too big of a problem to be regarded as a draft. At the same time, the author noticed that the defendant's name can actually be pronounced Puttewante. Because the writing styles of nte and tte in Kucha language literature are similar, the form of non- regular is even more difficult to distinguish. After further investigation, it was found that the first half of the person's name was often slightly Putte- in the prosecution, but the second half did not appear in the form of -wate [62], so it was confirmed that the person's name should be Puttewante. The name