However, perhaps only witnesses can have a premonition. This will be Khrushchev's last visit to China, and due to the previous conflicts, this final visit will inevitably end in a bad mood.

On the eve of National Day in 1959, the supreme leader of the Soviet Union Khrushchev led a delegation to visit China.

If we consider the relationship between the two countries and the two parties, this visit can be said to be a natural and proper meaning.

However, perhaps only witnesses can have a premonition. This will be Khrushchev's last visit to China, and due to the previous conflicts, this last visit will inevitably end in a bad mood.

After that, the situation changed drastically and relations between the two countries took a sharp decline. It was not until many years after Khrushchev stepped down and became a "special pensioner", he was still worried about it in his personal memoirs.

So, in 1959, how did Khrushchev visit China and was threatened by Chairman Mao? How did he get blushed by Chen Yi and ?

The scene is not very good

1958 This year is usually considered to be a turning point for the sharp decline of Sino-Soviet relations.

In those two years, Khrushchev visited China twice, once in a low-key and once in a public opinion.

But from the welcome scenes of these two visits, some unusual atmosphere has been revealed.

As a senior sinologist and a diplomatic official for many years, Fedrin once recorded the details of his experiences when he was a entourage and following Khrushchev's visit to China.

time on July 31, 1958, an aircraft from the northwest hovered and slowed down and landed at Nanyuan Airport in the suburbs of Beijing.

After the plane landed, the hatch door opened step by step, and Khrushchev and his entourage walked down the gangway.

July and August in Beijing are clear and the weather is clear and sunny, but at this moment, Nanyuan Airport has neither welcome words nor flower slogans, nor long red cloth banners with "unbreakable friendship".

Whether on the apron or on both sides of the road where the VIP convoy rushed over, there was no sight of the crowd holding colorful flags in hand to express their welcome, and no longer could the singing of "The Soviet Union and China are always brothers."

As a member of the accompanying team, Federin wrote down what he saw and believed that under the seemingly calm water, the rift between the two countries was gradually widening, and the former friendship between brothers and comrades also turned into estrangement and hostility. This is a very regrettable and heartbreaking thing.

Khrushchev's personal memoir did not specifically mention this visit in 1958, but he wrote a lot of details about his visit to China on the eve of National Day in 1959, and it was mentioned many times in different events chapters.

He wrote in his memoir - "I don't expect to receive a brotherly kind reception like the one I did when I visited Beijing in early 1954. The warm and cordial relationship between the two sides has disappeared, replaced by a cold air, which I felt from the beginning."

From 1958 to 1959, it was only a year or more, and so many things have happened.

The Soviet Union first sought to build long-wave radio station on Chinese territory, and then proposed to jointly establish a joint naval fleet. Both of these ideas seriously violated and hurt China's independence and sovereignty, so they were rejected without permission.

By 1959, Khrushchev visited the United States before, and later the Soviet Union favored his position. The tacit understanding and cooperation between the two countries faded, and it was difficult to return to the original situation.

Before visiting China

Khrushchev did not have no idea about the people he was about to face during this trip to Beijing; it can even be said that he had understood this person's style of behavior for the first time since many years ago.

In the early 1950s, when China was requesting economic and technical assistance from the Soviet Union for its first five-year plan, Stalin once expressed interest in various resources in China, either openly or secretly.

This includes gold and diamond mines mentioned inadvertently, raw rubber that is of great significance as strategic materials, and even canned pineapple that you notice on a whim during meals.

So how to obtain these resources or products?

Stalin's idea was simple and straightforward: draw out a piece of area, and the Soviet Union went to build a factory or jointly build a factory, and then production could begin.

However, Chairman Mao obviously did not accept such a plan. For every request, he replied prudently and clearly: It is OK to build a factory, but China must do it itself.

Please provide the necessary technology and loans for the Soviet Union, and we China will build our own factory. After the product is successfully produced, we will use the product to repay the loan.

After Khrushchev came to power, he once classified such behavior as one of Stalin's "serious mistakes", believing that it was these intentions and operational methods for developing Chinese resources that opened up hostile seeds and anti-Soviet sentiments from China.

American scholar A.D. Luowu, who mainly studies Sino-Soviet relations, believes in his book "Dragon and Bear" that examining Khrushchev's various remarks actually put too much responsibility for the Sino-Soviet dispute on others.

In fact, Khrushchev himself also showed his guard against China early on.

After his first visit to China in 1954, Khrushchev said that "the conflict with China is inevitable."

When he held talks with West Germany on the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1955, he mentioned China's disturbing "600 million people" to the Prime Minister of West Germany Conrad Adenauer , and even said without any concealment: "Help us and help us deal with China."

"13 Days That Shocked the World"

Although Khrushchev had long expected his attitude towards China, this time he did not think he had no confidence.

Before 1958, Khrushchev believed that his status in the country was not stable enough and needed support, and he also needed to face pressure from Western countries such as the United States internationally.

But by 1958, he had more control over the domestic situation than before, and the Soviet Union made great progress in the field of missiles and .

This time, the situation is very different.

Moreover, compared with China, which was still in a poor and blank state at the time, the Soviets were actually still the absolute big brother.

Khrushchev certainly knew that China would not like his frequent extension of olive branches to Western countries. Standing on Nehru's side would inevitably arouse China's dissatisfaction, but since he had enough strength to support it, even if his visit to China would not be as warmly welcomed as five years ago, it was not a big deal.

Since 1958, he has put a lot of effort into his relationships with other countries, especially Western countries, and has indeed obtained results and feedback.

He met with farmers, company owners, and social activists from European and American countries, and gradually promoted the agreement to hold the Soviet Expo in New York and the American Exhibition in Moscow.

On September 12 that year, Soviet rockets flew to the surface of the moon.

Three days later, the Tu-114 aircraft that Khrushchev took landed on the United States unprecedentedly.

The " Pravda " published a picture on the background, with the rocket flying to the moon and the "Lenin" atomic icebreaker, and the prospect is a Tu-114 aircraft with the words "Moscow-Washington" written on the fuselage.

Khrushchev's visit to the United States was called "the 13 days that alarmed the world" by the Soviet Union.

During that period, Khrushchev's every move could be said to have attracted the attention of the whole world.

Although some people think that Khrushchev is too straightforward and almost rude, this personality may not be favored by American citizens; and, visiting the United States has indeed had a profound impact on the situation in the Soviet Union and even the entire world.

The relationship between the Soviet Union and Western countries began to ease , Churchill received a congratulatory message from Khrushchev on his 385th birthday. Churchill's reaction was both surprised and happy.

Italian President Ji Glonki officially visited Moscow, and exchanges between the Soviet Union and France gradually became more frequent.

If the air defense missile did not kill the US U2 reconnaissance aircraft in early May 1960, there will be a series of plans waiting for implementation step by step.

As expected, the summit of governments between the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain and France will be held in mid-May. In another month, US President Eisenhower will officially visit the Soviet Union.

However, at this time in 1959, no one could have predicted that the US reconnaissance aircraft would be so unscrupulous, and no one could have predicted the flight trajectory of the missile.

Through a series of operations at that time, Khrushchev's influence at home and abroad increased greatly, and his voice became stronger and stronger; all of this added new uncertainties to his third and last visit to China.

tit-for-tat

In a word, when Khrushchev arrived in Beijing, he came with the halo of "just completed his visit to the United States and returned with honor."

Cold War The US-Soviet relations have taken a turn for many years, and it is not an exaggeration to say that this trend has attracted worldwide attention.

Although there are also politicians in the United States who keep calling for "not paying attention to Khrushchev" and not giving him a look, in fact, the public's interests are honest and the media's sense of smell is also honest.

During Khrushchev's visit to the United States, nearly 2,000 journalists from more than 30 countries rushed to interview, and the number of people broke the record of the US press.

You should know that two years ago, Queen Elizabeth visited the United States, and only 1,400 reporters followed and interviewed.

He had a three-day chat with US President Eisenhower in a villa called " Camp David ", which is why he often verbally verbally afterwards.

In terms of results, Camp David's talks did not reach much constructive consensus. Apart from determining the plan for the four-nation summit and Eisenhower's plan to visit the Soviet Union, there was almost nothing to write about the communiqué.

Khrushchev himself believed that this visit "had no result, but also fruitful" and "reflected a great victory in morality."

When he heard the translator convey that Eisenhower called him "my friend" in English, he felt sincerely happy.

Some Western media also believe that although the German and Berlin issues that everyone is extremely concerned about have not reached any conclusion, it is a good start to ease tensions.

For a long time after that, Khrushchev almost always called the "Plan David spirit", saying that this would become an important turning point in the post-war situation and a new era of international relations.

is actually in the United States, and his attitude towards this matter can be said to be not on the same string at all.

Vice President Nixon directly spoke out "Don't accept the so-called peaceful coexistence of the Soviets."

As for Eisenhower himself, he also wrote in his memoir "Making Peace", "Later he talked about the spirit of Camp David, but this is a word that I have never used or thought appropriate."

From the current perspective, Khrushchev's attitude at that time was too optimistic.

Churchill once commented that he "really expects to cross the abyss in two steps."

actively and high-profile approaches the United States, and at the same time, it seems that the two are not helping each other on the Sino-Indian dispute, but they are actually mixed. These positions have enhanced the sense of distrust and alertness from China.

A·D·Louwu commented on this: Beijing does not intend to hide their dissatisfaction with Khrushchev's visit to the United States and other policy practices.

The old differences have neither been resolved nor shelved, but new differences are still arising, and a cold talk is inevitable.

During the National Day celebration, Khrushchev suddenly said to Chairman Mao: "Are we withdrawing the nuclear experts?"

. When Chairman Mao heard such seemingly tentative but actually implicit threats, he just underestimated the sentence "That would be fine, it would be a training for us to try it yourself."

In fact, as early as 1958, the debate over radio and fleets had gradually put the differences between the two sides on the table.

The possibility of the Soviet Union withdrawing experts and stolen aid was not much of an accident for Chairman Mao.

959 This time, Khrushchev had another person who needed to confront him face to face, that is Chen Yi.

"China decides to let Chen Yi deal with me"

Unlike Premier Zhou, who took charge of foreign affairs very early, Marshal Chen Yi officially took office as Minister of Foreign Affairs , which only started in February 1958.

As we all know, he was the commander in the war years and was awarded the title of marshal after the founding of the country.

: From the army to the diplomatic front, Chen Yi himself was deeply psychologically "fear of absorbing deep things".

What else should I be afraid of when people are in the rain of bullets?

What he fears is that his words are "too destructive". Sometimes when the emotions rise, his words burst out.

If there is room for explanation among one's own comrades, if something goes wrong in diplomatic situations, it will inevitably be a big deal and irreversible.

However, both Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou are full of confidence in his diplomatic work.

Chairman Mao also believes that this "fear when facing things" mentality is one of his major advantages.

This time, Khrushchev really learned what "the destructiveness of speaking" means.

At the beginning of the meeting between the two sides, the joint fleet issue that could not be avoided was once again mentioned.

Khrushchev claimed that this was a misunderstanding because "some government departments" were the Soviet side Ambassador Eugene who passed the wrong words.

Chen Yi did not follow the flow and gave him a step, but instead conducted factual evidence with him in person, which made Khrushchev speechless for a moment.

The confrontation between the two sides did not end there.

Khrushchev spent his words and energy on the Sino-India border issue, and he asked China and Nikru to unite well.

"Disagree to adopt any policy that alienates or weakens Nehru's status in the country".

Chen Yi immediately said, our policy to nationalists is to be united and struggle, not to be accommodating.

Khrushchev's statement on conciliationism was extremely unpleasant. Chen Yi immediately listed the statement of TASS on May 9, clearly pointing out that the Soviet Union took a stance of favoring India.

At the reception banquet held on the eve of National Day, Khrushchev frequently showed off his "Laozi Party".

At the official meeting a few days later, Khrushchev accused the shooting of the golden horses and made all remarks on the Taiwan issue.

Chen Yi did not retreat this time. He reiterated that it was China's own territory, and shelling Kinmen was also an internal matter in China, and asked: Do you still want to accuse us for Chiang Kai-shek and American imperialism?

Khrushchev had nothing to answer about this, so he said that you are the marshal and I am the lieutenant general, and I have to listen to you in military affairs; however, when it comes to party positions, he is the first secretary, and Chen Yi is just a member of the Politburo, so Chen Yi should obey.

Chen Yi replied, "You are the first secretary," this is right, but if you are wrong, we won't listen to you. These are the two parties discussing the problem!"

In the end, the talks ended in a bad mood, and Khrushchev did not attend the celebration of Tiananmen that night.

Until many years later, Khrushchev wrote this old story in his memoir, and emphasized that "China decided to let Chen Yi deal with me."

He believes that Chen Yi is rude and rude, and will directly become tense and intense in the conversation, and doubt whether this is due to his personal character or "some intentional political motivation."

A few years later, Chen Yi reiterated the famous attitude of "We don't do satellite country " at the second Geneva meeting . This sentence soon appeared on the column title of newspapers in various countries.

In another conversation with a Japanese friend, he also mentioned that "you can't just follow Khrushchev."

If you follow Khrushchev, of course there will be benefits. He will award you medals, give you assistance, and call you "Dear Comrade"... But in order to defend the principles of Marxism-Leninism and for China's right to independence, you cannot indulge in these benefits.

has a far-reaching impact, and the aftermath has not yet settled

After the National Day celebration in 1959, Khrushchev returned to the Soviet Union with low interest.

The two sides have no consensus, no agreement, and no communiqué at this meeting. Khrushchev has fully understood that China will not follow the instructions step by step.

In the summer of the following year, the Soviet Union unilaterally tore up the agreement, withdrew all 1,390 experts from aid to China, tore up 343 contracts, and abolished 257 scientific and technological cooperation projects.

Withdrawal of people and drawings, leaving behind a large number of projects that have been built to halfway, and Sino-Soviet relations have never returned.

As the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Chen Yi was very angry at this insulting approach. He said, "What is this Marxism-Leninist !" Even capitalist country cannot do this.

In those years, the situation in other countries has also changed.

1960, the Cuban revolution under the leadership of Castro is gradually transforming and developing into Socialist Revolution .

More than one American politician claims that the United States neither can nor should tolerate the existence of the communist system in the Western Hemisphere.

The United States took action to sanction Cuba and actually supported the Cuban Expatriate Detachment to overthrow Castro; on the contrary, the Soviet Union strengthened its economic and political assistance to Cuba.

And on the Chinese and Indian side, India has been provocative and frictionless, which led to the 1962 China-India self-defense counterattack . Both sides of China and the Soviet Union criticized each other's foreign policies, which eventually converged into the open debate in 1963.

Southern Jiangsu reconciliation, Cuban missile crisis, , and Sino-India border dispute have all become the focus of further differences and fierce debate.

On October 16, 1964, China's first atomic bomb, , successfully exploded live bomb.

Premier Zhou said: "Let's take this as a salute for us to say goodbye to Khrushchev!" He said this for a reason. Just two days ago, Khrushchev had just "retired".

This may also be a coincidence in the dark.

Reference materials:

"Biography of Chen Yi"; "Biography of Chen Yi" writing group; Contemporary China Press

"Sino-Soviet leaders I contacted"; (Russian) Nie Federin; Xinhua Press

"Khrushchev's political career"; (Soviet) Roy Medvedev; Social Sciences Documentation Press

"Memoirs of Khrushchev"; (Soviet) Khrushchev; Oriental Press

"The End of the Honeymoon—Before and After the Break between Mao Zedong and Khrushchev"; Zhang Shude; China Youth Publishing House