Foreword
Huangdi, Yandi and related ancient "national cliques" were important topics in the study of ancient Chinese history in the first half of the 20th century. At that time, under the new concepts of historiography and ethnology, the Yellow Emperor was considered to be the leader of an ethnic group from the North or the West, and the Yan Emperor was considered to be the leader of another tribe in the same ethnic group that had competed with the Yellow Emperor. The totem theory of ethnology is also used to support these ancient "historical facts"; the tribes such as the Huangdi, which are considered to be "dragon" totems, are in contrast to the Taihao tribes in the east, which use phoenix birds as their totems. [1] A little later, the excavation of the Yin Ruins and the discussion of related ancient characters and ancient history opened up a broad road for the later study of ancient Chinese history-"History of Science" has since become the mainstream of historical research. Since then, the attention of Chinese historians is less than before the Xia Dynasty. Needless to say, in addition to some non-academic research interests, [2] "Yellow Emperor" is also considered to be illusory and uninteresting. He was classified as a "mythical figure", or as Gu Jiegang said, part of a myth created by layers. Compared with the history that emphasizes the "true past", "myth" is considered to be fictitious and imaginary, so scholars who pursue "historical facts" are naturally dismissive of this.
However, the modern history researcher Mr. Shen Songqiao published a paper on the Yellow Emperor in recent years. The research angle of this article is completely different from that of historians who studied ancient ethnic groups in the first half of the twentieth century. Simply put, whether it is blood-collectionism or culturalism, Chinese historians in modern times have emphasized the continuous history with the common origin of the Yellow Emperor; an "origin" continues to be the current blood and cultural Chinese, or China Nation. [3] What Mr. Shen emphasized is the rupture, creation and imagination of "history"; the Yellow Emperor, a symbol of the imperial ancestry of the past, was collectively constructed by Chinese intellectuals as the common ancestor of the Chinese under modern nationalism. . Mr. Shen quoted a lot of historical materials from the late Qing Dynasty to the early Republic of China, explaining that under the impact of Western nationalism, some Han (and a few Manchu) intellectuals, including revolutionaries and constitutionalists, chose and imagined the Yellow Emperor as the ancestor of all Chinese. [4] This study shows that many modern academic activities are collective memories under "nationalism". In this collective memory, the nation’s “ancestors” and other “national heroes” were selected and shaped,Constructing and cohesive national identity with response and nationality. I think that composure is an important essay, whether it is the construction of ancient history under Chinese nationalism or the exploration of historical facts in a new way.
Those who are familiar with contemporary Western academic trends should not be unfamiliar with this approach. The study of memory and identity in sociology and anthropology has triggered discussions on modern national identity and related cultural construction by Western historians. Scholars point out that what people think of as a fairly old nation in contemporary times is actually an "imaginary group" constructed by intellectuals under nationalism; some traditional cultures that are considered to be "ancient" are often considered to be under the identity of the modern nation. Cultural construction. [5] Following the narrative model of "imaginary groups" and "traditional construction", in recent years, some Western history and anthropologists have also used this to deconstruct the "Chinese nation", "Chinese minorities", and related "history" or "ethnic history". Of modern construction. [6] "The Yellow Emperor's descendants constructed the collective imagination of Chinese intellectuals under the construction of the Chinese nation in the late Qing Dynasty" is a product of this analysis mode.
We can call it a kind of "modern constructivism". Scholars who hold this theory believe that under the guidance of modern nationalism and related academic knowledge (ethnology, linguistics, physique, etc.), a process of "nationalization" (and associated modernization) has taken place all over the world. Our current national identity, national distinctions under nationality, and related knowledge of language, physique, ethnicity, and history are all constructed in this process. Retracing this construction process can be said to be a kind of "post-modern" awakening and cognition of the "modern" nation and the deconstruction of related knowledge. However, "modern constructivists" only deconstructed the "history" and "nations" that have been constructed since modern times. They either have no interest in "ancient historical facts" or simplified "pre-modern history" to homogenous, The state of stagnation. Such a homogeneous "ancient" highlights the changes in modern times-and therefore, in the eyes of many scholars, "Chinese nationality" did not exist before modern times.
This kind of theory originally had the lack of fragmentation of historical continuity with "modern". The historian Prasenjit Duara once criticized this. He pointed out that the modern nation is the product of various and contradictory discourses in history, and the dialogue and compromise between the modern nation-state system. [7] In fact, "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" or "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" provide an excellent field to explore this issue.Mr. Shen Songqiao also admitted in the previous quotation that since the pre-Qin period, Huaxia and its surrounding people have often tried to change the ethnic boundaries of "China" under the guise of the Yellow Emperor. [8] Patricia Ebrey studied the relationship between "surname" and "Han identity"; she pointed out that due to the "surname" and a family history that can be traced back to a famous distant ancestor, many non-Han people became Han in history. She also mentioned that in the Tang and Song Dynasties, the last ancestors to be traced in the history of these families were often Emperor Yan and Emperor Huang. Therefore, she believes that "tracing the Yellow Emperor as the ancestor" does not originate from the historian of the quintessence of China in the 20th century, as some scholars believe, but that the image of the ancestor has a long history in China. [9] I think this is a paper worthy of attention; it not only points out that the construction of modern times has its own ancient foundation, but more importantly, it expresses a kind of "Han nationality" study of historical anthropology—using "surname" and family memory as To make a kind of "indigenous viewpoint", use various historical materials and genealogies as fields to explore the essence of "Han people".
In recent years, I have been doing research in both the literature and contemporary Qiang fields. The research I am engaged in is to explore the nature of the Qiang, Han and the Chinese nation and related historical changes from the "historical memory". This is also a kind of marginal study of "Huaxia" or "Chinese"; the formation and changes of Huaxia margin are used to explore the essence of Huaxia or Chinese. In this article, I will use the development of Chinese family memories to explore the historical changes of the image of the "Descendants of Yan and Huang" ethnic group, and to use this to explain the formation and changes of China from the marginal theory to my own theory of "Hua Xia Fringe". ; And, as a sequel to composure and Patricia Ebrey's essay. To put it simply, I think that in the Han Dynasty or earlier, the Yellow Emperor was indeed only related to the emperor or a few ancient emperor family lines. However, during and after the Warring States period, due to a common psychological and social process-clinging-the people who could be connected with the Yellow Emperor in the memory or imagination of "blood relationship" gradually expanded to two "Chinese fringe": the political geography of China Margin, and the social Chinese margin. Finally, on the basis of this historical memory and historical facts, and under the influence of nationalism, the intellectuals of the late Qing Dynasty finally associate the Huangdi with every "Chinese" in an imagined blood relationship. In other words, the sages of the late Qing Dynasty were indeed influenced by Western nationalism, recollecting the Yellow Emperor collectively and giving them new meanings to create the Chinese nation. However, if we do not break history with "modern", we can find that a "ethnic imagination" can go through two thousand years to form contemporary "descendants of Yan and Huang".
The main purpose of this paper is not to refute the theory of "modern Chinese national construction". On the contrary, I agree that there is indeed a process of national construction and related cultural construction in modern times. This article only takes the "Descendants of Yan and Huang" as an example to illustrate that "ancient" is not as "homogeneous" as modern constructivists think; the so-called "modern construction" is only part of the long-term historical construction and imagination, and the modern "Chinese nation" Formation is also based on a long-term "ethnic process". In this way, in contrast to the historical rupture and construction that postmodernist scholars pay attention to, I emphasize a historical continuity. This history is not a history under nationalism, but a history under the research perspective of "China Fringe".
The Yellow Emperor from the Warring States Period to the Early Han Dynasty
The Yellow Emperor appeared in the memory of Chinese literature, and the more reliable time was about the Warring States period. In the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the ancestors of the United States were pursued at most as the King Wen and King Wu; in the Spring and Autumn Period, the uncle of Qi Guoqi was mentioned in Chengtang and Yu. During the Warring States Period, Qi Guoqi, Chen Hou Yin Zigui, and the words "Gaozu Huangdi" appeared in it. [10] In the "Pre-Qin Documents" written from the Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty, the Yellow Emperor was gradually and widely mentioned; its pluralistic nature also appeared and developed in these related narratives. At first, he was an ancient emperor in many documents, working with Fuxi, Gonggong, Shennong, Shaohao, etc., and did not have the meaning of the common ancestor of various clans or tribes. However, by the time Sima Qian wrote the "Historical Records" in the early Han Dynasty, the Yellow Emperor had become the first emperor who believed in history in his mind, and was the common ancestor of the emperor family of Xia, Shang, and Wednesday. This is what many scholars have paid attention to. The two sides of the Yellow Emperor's multiple faces-the ancestors of certain families, and the emperors who ruled an era or various tribes. [11] How the Yellow Emperor stood out from among the emperors from the Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty is a question worth exploring.
We can regard the ancient Chinese documents from the Warring States Period to the beginning of Han Dynasty as some social memory, and explore the multiple metaphors of the "Yellow Emperor" from the textual changes of their narratives, and the social context (social context) that affects these social memories and their changes . First of all, in many documents from the Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty, the Yellow Emperor was just one of many ancient emperors; he represented the emperor who ruled a tribe or generation. As recorded in "Zuo Zhuan", Tanzi in the Spring and Autumn Period described various ancient emperor clans; among them, "Huangdi clan was based on the Yunji", compared with the Yandi clan of the Yihuo period and the Gonggong clan of the Shui period.The Taihao clan in the Longji period, and the Shaohao clan in the Yiniao period. [12] In this regard, the Yellow Emperor is just one of many tribal leaders, nothing special. However, another document "Guo Yu" states: "There is the Huang Emperor of the Yu clan and Zhuan Xu, Jiao Yao and Zong Shun; the Huang Emperor of Xiahou clan and the ancestor Zhuan Xu, Jiao Gun and Zong Yu; businessman Zun Shun and Zu Qi, Jiao Ming and Zong Tang; Zhou people's sorrow and Jiaoji, Zuwen Wang and Zongwu Wang." [13] This is the Huangdi directly as the common ancestor of the emperor families of Yu, Xia, Shang, and Thu.
In some documents, these ancient emperors are arranged in a linear history. In the book "Guan Zi", he is one of many ancient emperors who were granted Zen by the mandate of heaven. [14] In another chapter of the same book, the Yellow Emperor is also one of the ancient emperors in the civilized world; there are Zhuoxi, Shennong (or Sui people) before, and Xia, Yin, and Zhou people afterwards. [15] Here, and in similar records, the symbolic meaning of Huangdi is: Compared with the beautiful and simple ancient times, he represents the beginning of a more complicated modern world. For example, in the Book of Shang Jun, in contrast to the Shennong generation who "men farm and eat, women weave and clothing", the Yellow Emperor "as the righteousness of the emperor and ministers, the gift of father and son brothers, the marriage of husband and wife; Armored soldiers". [16] "The Book of Changes" describes the evolution of human civilization; "Huangdi, Yao, and Shun" represent "sages of later generations", which appeared after the Baoxi and Shennong clan in ancient or ancient times. [17] In these texts, the Yellow Emperor is a metaphor for the pioneer of civilization. In "Zhuangzi", "the former Huangdi began to stun people with benevolence and righteousness"; [18] it was also the beginning of a new world referred to by the Huangdi. Although to Lao Zhuang Zhuang Zhuang, this is also the beginning of the chaotic and corrupt world.
Another image of the Yellow Emperor in the Warring States literature is the emperor who used war and conquered the world. As recorded in "Zuo Zhuan", those who have a fortune teller have "the omen of encountering the Yellow Emperor and fighting at Banquan". This omen is beneficial to the military. [19] There is also a record in "Zhuangzi" that Huangdi was unable to practice virtue and fought with Chi You in the wild of Zhuolu. [20] More Warring States documents record the battle between Huangdi and Yandi, such as in "Huainanzi": "The origin of the army is far away, the Huangdi tastes fought with Yandi, and Zhuanxu tries to compete with the Yandi."[21] Others such as "Lie Zi" recorded that "the Yellow Emperor and the Yan Emperor fought in the wilderness of Banquan, handsome bears, wolves, wolves, leopards, horses, and tigers are the precursors, and the eagles, eagles, eagles, and kites are the banners"; "Grandson" says "For the benefits of the four armies, the Yellow Emperor prevailed over the four emperors"; in "He Guanzi" it is said that "Shangde has decayed,"The Yellow Emperor has a hundred battles, Chi You 72, Yao Fa has Tang, Yu Fu has Miao..." etc. [22] All regard the Yellow Emperor as the representative and conqueror of wars, and the Yellow Emperor has served as the world's soldiers for generations. The beginning of the expedition.
In the Warring States literature, the ancient emperors most often compared with the Yellow Emperor are Shennong, and Yandi, or both. The several roles of the Yellow Emperor mentioned above are all related to Shennong or Yandi. For example, Shennong Or Emperor Yan is an emperor that precedes the Yellow Emperor, representing a primitive, simple or chaotic era. For example, Emperor Yan is an ancient emperor who was defeated by the Yellow Emperor. Therefore, the Yellow Emperor also represents the conqueror, or represents an era of great wars and swords. In In "Guoyu", Huangdi and Yandi have a special relationship. In "Guoyu‧ Zhouyu", it is recorded that after Gun, Yu and Xiaren, as well as Gonggong, Siyue and each Jiang surnamed country, "all Huang, Yan Later also". According to this record, the descendants of Huangdi and Yandi made mistakes, but they also cooperated to overcome floods. According to "Guoyu‧Jinyu", it is recorded that "Xi Shaodian married Yu Youxian and gave birth to Huangdi and Yandi; Huangdi is made of Jishui, and Yandi is made of Jiangshui. Success but different virtues, so Huangdi is Ji and Yandi is ginger. "The same text also says that the Huangdi and Yandi fought against each other because they had different surnames and different virtues were "different." Therefore, in "Guoyu", the relationship between the two lines of Huangdi and Yandi is separate (different surnames). , Different virtues, and aliens), which are cooperative and at the same time confrontational. This relationship is shown in this document on the relationship between Yan and Huang as the "brothers".
I was in the upper reaches of the Minjiang River in western Sichuan, Study the "brother story" circulating in the local Qiang villages. This kind of story arises from a specific social situation and has a structured way of telling things. For example, there are three villages in a mountain valley, and villagers in Zhaizhong talk about the residents of the three local villages. The origin of "Brothers" often said, "There were three brothers here before, and they became the ancestors of the three villagers..." Yunyun. I once pointed out that the "brother story" is a historical narrative based on a historical mind. "Brother relationship" to illustrate the current "common origin" of several people close to the village who are both cooperating and opposing. Another historical mindset is to take a "hero ancestor" as the origin and describe its conquest of the Quartet Historical narratives experienced.[23]
Undoubtedly, during the Warring States period, the historical writers living in the upper strata of the political society have been controlled by the historical mindset of the “hero ancestors”; this explains why we often see the Yellow Emperor in many pre-Qin documents , Yan Di, Shao Hao, Zhuan Xu and so on "hero ancestors."However, this record in "Guoyu" and "Jinyu" also seems to indicate that the author still had the historical mindset of "brother story" at that time, so he would create the historical narrative of Yan and Huang as brothers. In any case, we know that in the knowledge of the elites of the Warring States Period, the Yellow Emperor was named Ji; this is naturally because Ji is the surname of the noble Emperor Zhou family. Ji Zhou and Jiang's clan are relatives in marriage, an ally, and finally an enemy; Jiang's Shenhou colluded with dogs to fight and ended the Western Zhou dynasty in the Weishui Valley. These are also deep historical memories of people during the Warring States Period. The close but antagonistic relationship between Ji and Jiang in the Western Zhou Dynasty may be the historical memory background of the author of the relevant chapters in Guoyu that the Huangdi surnamed Ji and Emperor Yan surnamed Jiang are "brothers". In any case, the close relationship between Yandi (or Shennongshi) and Huangdi in the pre-Qin literature, one of the morals of the story is to use Yandi to set off the historical image of Huangdi-the collapse of the world during the Yandi, primitive, simple, As well as the legendary nature of Emperor Yan, it contrasts with the unity, civilization, progress and history represented by the Yellow Emperor. Scholars often emphasize the image of Huangdi as the "founder" of many things and people. But we cannot ignore that when the beginners from the Warring States to the Han Dynasty compared Yandi (or Shennong's) with Huangdi, Huangdi also represented a kind of "break" between "contemporary" and "past".
Under the influence of the Five Elements Doctrine in the late Warring States period, the Yellow Emperor represented the Tude emperor who lived in the center. As recorded in "Huainanzi", compared to Emperor Yan in the south and Shaohao in the west who belonged to gold, the Yellow Emperor is the emperor who lives in the center and belongs to the earth. [24] From the perspective of the Yellow Emperor’s assistant holding the rope to control the Quartet, the Yellow Emperor is now in a dominant position among the "Five Emperors". "Zhuangzi" said: "The place of the world is more than the Yellow Emperor..." [25]-It can also be seen that the Yellow Emperor has already surpassed the status of other legendary ancient emperors at this time.
In any case, from the end of the Warring States Period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty, it can be said that many "thinkers" tried to integrate the ancient emperors. Such an act is also a kind of historical imagination; the social situation it produced is closely related to the political unity of Qin and Han China and the clarification of the "Huaxia" identity. In other words, at this time, due to the political, social and cultural exchanges of people from all over the world, a sense of unity was developed between the "China" from the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River to the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. Integrating the ancient emperors means combining the ancestors of various regions and tribes into a whole. Whether it’s the theory of generational evolution, or the theory of the five elements, or the theory of brothers Yan and Huangwei,Either the theory that the ancient emperors conquered the generations, or the theory that the Yellow Emperor is the common ancestor of the four generations, both use the "past" to interpret the historicalnarratives of the "imaginary group" of China at that time. Regardless of the interpretation, the Huangdi gradually gained a special position-in the theory of conquering the generations, he was the main conqueror; in the theory of the five elements, he was centered in the four directions; in the theory of the evolution of generations, he was The turning point of ignorance to civilization. Not to mention, in the historical construction of the Yellow Emperor as the common ancestors of Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou, he became the starting point of blood of the ruling families of various generations.
Here, there are a few points worth thinking about. First of all, in the construction of the modern Chinese nation, Chinese intellectuals used the Yellow Emperor as metaphors such as the "ancestor" and "God of War" of the nation; in fact, such metaphors and imagination of the Yellow Emperor had already appeared in Chinese society from the end of the Warring States Period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty. Between the upper floors. Secondly, the modern Chinese national imagination with the metaphor of "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" or "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" is also a linear historical imagination of ethnic groups starting with "heroic ancestors". However, as mentioned earlier, this kind of linear history starting with "hero ancestors" also appeared in the late Warring States period to the early Han Dynasty. The relationship between the Yellow Emperor and the calendar or the beginning of the calendar also uses the Yellow Emperor as a metaphor for the beginning of a linear and quantitative historical time. Third, scholars often point out that under modern nationalism, intellectuals emphasized the ancient cultural tradition and ancestral origin on the one hand, and emphasized the innovation of the nation and the "break" between it and the past on the other. [26] I agree with this view. I have also used the example of "Qiang women's clothing" to illustrate the characteristics of this kind of nationalism. [27] However, in the discourse of the Yellow Emperor from the Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty, the "Yellow Emperor" on the one hand became the pioneer of the era and the creator and inventor of cultural relics; on the other hand, there is a clear opposition and break between him and the Yandi and Yandi era. All of these can make us think about whether a new identity similar to "nationality" has appeared in ancient China from the end of the Warring States Period to the Han Dynasty at this time? Of course, even so, it is still quite different from today's "Chinese nationality".
The Descendants of the Yellow Emperor in "Historical Records"
The "Historical Records" written by Sima Qian in the Western Han Dynasty, in which the discourse on the Yellow Emperor, synthesizes the various attempts of the Chinese intellectual elite to integrate the ancient emperors since the end of the Warring States period. In the "Benji of Five Emperors" in this document, Huangdi is called the son of Shaodian, whose surname is Gongsun, and his name is Xuanyuan. He was born in the last days of the Shennong clan and fought with Emperor Yan in the wilderness of Banquan.Defeat Yandi. He also led the princes to fight with Chi You in Zhuolu, capture and kill Chi You, and thus became the emperor on behalf of Shennong. In the text, it is also said that after Huangdi won the world, he "pied the mountain channel and never tasted Ningju"; his journey was to Yuhai in the east, Kongtong in the west, Yujiang in the south, and meat porridge in the north. The article also mentioned that the official name of the Huangdi was named Yun Ming, because the Huangdi was called the Yunshi, and it recorded the Huangdi's appointment of Zen, the acquisition of the treasure, and the welcoming of the sun (calendar). The article also said that the Yellow Emperor has the "Swiss of Land and Germany, hence the name Yellow Emperor". Finally, the "Five Emperors Benji" records the descendants of the Yellow Emperor-Xuan Xiao and Chang Yi as the sons of the Yellow Emperor, Zhuan Xu as the grandson of the Yellow Emperor, Emperor Yu as the great grandson of the Yellow Emperor, Yao as the son of Emperor Yu, and Shun as the seventh grandson of Zhuan Xu. [28]
We can find the source of the Huangdi literature in "Historical Records" from many of the above-mentioned discourses about the Yellow Emperor from the Warring States to the early Han Dynasty. But more importantly, as a text, it has been collected and edited by Sima Qian to become a social memory with a social function and purpose, and it is finally preserved in a certain social and political context. And this process from material selection, manufacturing to use, and preservation all implies and expresses the author's identity, distinction and related emotions in his era and social background. [29] In terms of "material selection" and "manufacturing", Sima Qian obviously inherited and carried forward a linear history that started with the heroic holy king, and ended a troubled conqueror, Huang Di, as the beginning of this history (time). The heroic journey describes the territory (space) where the hero's ancestors lived, and uses the hero's blood and descendants to gather an identity group (China). On the level of "use", the spread of this "Yellow Emperor" social memory strengthens the unified Chinese identity (and the distinction between Huaxia and Rongdi, the distinction between the ruler and the ruled, and the distinction between the two sexes). Finally, the memory of the "Yellow Emperor" constructed by Sima Qian was continuously recalled, restated, and remade (recombined and reinterpreted) by later generations of China, and thus was preserved (and relatively caused the obsolescence and amnesia of other ancestral memories).
From other chapters of "Historical Records", we can see the function of "Huangdi" memory in defining or condensing "China". As recorded in the "Benji" of the three emperors, Xia Yu was the great-great-great-grandson of Emperor Huang, the mother of Yin Qi was the imperial concubine, and the mother of Zhou ancestor abandoned was the imperial concubine. The Yellow Emperor and his descendants, including the royal families of the Xia, Shang, and Wednesday dynasties and their descendants, are the ancestors of the Chinese royal families in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty. It is worth noting that during the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, at the margin of China’s political geography, the people were mostly "barbarian and Rongdi" countries.According to "Historical Records", his monarch also claimed to be the descendant of the Yellow Emperor. For example, in the Spring and Autumn Period of Wu, which was in the southeast, the "Historical Records" has the following records:
Wu Taibo, Taibo's brother Zhong Yong, are both the sons of Zhou Taiwang, and Wang Jili's brother is also. Ji Lixian, and Sheng Zichang, Tai Wang wants to establish Ji Li and Chang. So Tai Bo and Zhong Yong went to Jingman and had their tattoos cut off to show that they did not use them to avoid the calendar. The fruit of the season calendar is for Wang Ji, and Chang is the King of Wen. Tai Bo went to Jingman, and he said that Wu Jingman was righteous, so he returned to more than a thousand families and became Tai Bo Wu.... Since the uncle of Wu, the fifth king of Wu Ke Yin. There are two following seals: the first is Yu, in China, and the other is Wu, in the barbarians. [30]
Therefore, King Wu at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period considered himself and was also considered by China at that time to be the country of the surname Ji. In the "Historical Records", the country of Yue, which is rivaling Wu, is "the seedling of Yu, and the son of Shaokang after Xia"; therefore, it is also the descendant of the Yellow Emperor. [31] For the Qin people regarded as Rong Di in the West, the "Historical Records" also records the ancestors of the royal family as follows:
The first Qin, the descendant of the emperor Zhuanxu, and the daughter Xiu. The female cultivates weaving, the mysterious bird falls the egg, the female cultivates to swallow it, and the great cause of giving birth to children. Daye takes the son of Shaodian, called Nvhua. Female Watson spends a lot of money, and Yu Pingshuitu....... Shun gave the surname Yingshi. Da Fei gave birth to two children: One is Dalian, Shi Niaosu; the second is Ruo Mu, Shi Fei. His great-great-grandson called Fei Chang, and his descendants were either in China or Yidi. [32]
In this way, the people of Qin are regarded as the in-laws of the descendants of the Yellow Emperor, and they have also assisted the descendants of the Yellow Emperor. However, if this is the self-declared ancestral origin of the Qin people, then such an ancestral origin can also be described as a kind of selective memory-knowing that there is a mother but not a father, so as to be related to the Huangdi.
Regarding the southern state of Chu, which was once regarded as a barbarian, the "Historical Records" also tied it to the descendants of the Yellow Emperor. The statement is as follows:
Chu's ancestors came from Emperor Zhuanxu Gaoyang; Gaoyang, the grandson of the Yellow Emperor, and the son of Changyi. Gao Yangsheng said it was called Shengjuanzhang, and Juanzhang was born again....The emperor's order was Zhu Rong. ...... After taking his brother Wu Hui as the focus of Li, he regained his position in Huozheng for Zhu Rong. Wu Huisheng, Lu Zhong, and Lu Zhongsheng’s six sons, were delivered by caesarean. Its length is: Kunwu, Shenhu, Pengzu, Huiren, Cao, Jilian, Mi, Chu and later... Ji Liansheng is attached to Ju, and Ju is attached to a cave bear. Later, Zhongwei, or in China, or in the barbarians, Funeng Jishi. [33]
The Wei of the North,In "Historical Records", it is also called the post of Bi Gonggao. "Bi Gonggao has the same surname as Zhou. The king of Wu defeated Zhou, and Gao Feng Yubi, so he was named Bi surname. After that, he became a commoner; either in China or in Yidi." [34]
in "Historical Records" Among the many "family origin" records in ", there are several points worthy of our attention. First, the writing model of the origins of these ancient tribes seems to be the addition of an origin related to the Yellow Emperor before the "clan source" of the original tribes. In the "Historical Records" records of the origins of the Wu and Chu kings, there are some fairly long records of the family inheritance between father and son; these seem to be more like memories of native origin, and are similar to the "origins" in the same record- Huangdi's writings on the origin of the family-there are signs of rupture and disconnection between them. [35] Another example, different from the writing of "paternal ancestor source" in the Xia Emperor family, Yin and Zhou Zuyuan here are related to the Yellow Emperor by "mother as the concubine of the emperor"; this should be in the "matrilineal family" of the Yin and Zhou tribes. "Ancestral Origin" is based on the memory of Huangdi's blood. The differences in the narrative patterns of the royal families between the Shang and Zhou Dynasties and the Xia Dynasty also show the fictional nature of the three-generation "common ancestor" theory.
Second, almost without exception, the "origin" of each ethnic group began with a "hero ancestor." Obviously, some of the "brother stories" that had been circulated, such as the saying that Yan and Huang were brothers, were abandoned by Sima. Some are included in the "history" of the heroic ancestors; for example, the ancestors of the Kunwu, Canhu, and Pengzu tribes called brothers (sons of Lu Zhong) in the "Chu Family", as in the "Qin Family" The ancestors of the Niaosu and Fei tribes are brothers. Thirdly, what is more noteworthy is that in the above "Historical Records" about the origins of Wu, Qin, Chu, and Wei, Sima Qian explained that his descendants were either in China, or in barbarians and Yidi. In this way, these marginal ethnic groups of China, which were originally regarded as barbarians and Rongdi by China, were included in China through the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor". Not only that, the record of this in "Historical Records" has become an open and fuzzy boundary between Huaxia and non-China, allowing many marginal non-China in later generations to falsely remember to become Huaxia. All in all, Sima Qian didn't just refer to the works of authors from the Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty to complete the "Huangdi" narration in "Historical Records". More importantly, he inherited the concept of "Hua Xia" from the Warring States Period to the beginning of Han Dynasty, and guided and influenced his materials and writing about the "history" of the Yellow Emperor; accordingly, his "historical" writing (reconstruction) about the Yellow Emperor was further defined And interprets the concept of "China".
Finally,We must clarify the essence of such "China" identification; Huangdi's argument is still a good clue and indicator. Simply put, we can regard the authors from the Warring States Period to the Western Han Dynasty (including Sima Qian) as the "indigenous" in the field of anthropology, and see how the "indigenous" traced their ancestors, or who they thought were descendants of this common ancestor. From this point of view, first of all, it is obvious that the blood of the Yellow Emperor only flows into the three generations, since the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States period, many large and small families and their descendants, and the "surname" is used as the symbol of this blood relationship. Therefore, although there was "Huaxia" identification from the Warring States Period to the Han Dynasty, there is still a long way to go from the identification concept that "every Chinese is a descendant of Yan and Huang" today. Secondly, in the historical narratives about the Yellow Emperor in the "Historical Records" and the historical narratives of various countries with the Yellow Emperor as the ancestor, "history" not only interprets "blood relationship", but also interprets the rationality of its regime and territory. Therefore, it can be said that in the early Han Dynasty, the meanings of "Huaxia" and "China" defined and understood by the memory of the Yellow Emperor were similar; both contained the metaphor of the trinity of blood, government and domain. Third, if we consider the issue of "Huaxiaization" in terms of the expansion of the "Yellow Emperor's memory", then from the end of the Warring States Period to the era of Sima Qian, the intellectual elites seemed to be only concerned with the "Chinese Realm" except for the families of the emperors. Or "the country of China" instead of "the people of China". In other words, in Wu, Yue, Chu, Qin and other places on the fringe of China, the bloodline of the Yellow Emperor only extends to the ruling families everywhere; the political power and domain metaphors in the memory of the ancestors strengthen or change the original opposition of the ruling families of various countries. The political authority of "land" and "people", so its "land" is naturally included in the realm of China. The people in this domain were initially not through "blood", but "educated", and gradually became Huaxia from "barbarian and Rongdi". As for the core area of China, it seems that in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States period, not all people have surnames; at least in the writing of social memory, most of them are people with no voice at this time, so there is no reason to associate with the Yellow Emperor. On blood relationship.
There is naturally a considerable distance between the "Chinese" or "China" defined by the memory of the Yellow Emperor and the "Chinese" or "Chinese nation" defined by the "Descendants of Yan Huang" today; the distance is mainly the latter Expansion on the two "edges". One is that, on the margins of political geography, the scope of today's "Descendants of Yan and Huang Di" has moved more outward than the "Descendants of Huang Di" in the Han Dynasty. The second is that, on the social margins of the Huaxia region, the scope of the "Descendants of Yan and Huang Di" today has expanded to the lower levels of society than the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" in the Han Dynasty.I will explain below that these two marginal changes are not just creations under modern nationalism, but have a historical development process. The main way to promote the changes in the identification of these two marginal groups is through the "climbing" of the Chinese marginal groups to the Yellow Emperor.
The Yellow Emperor on the edge of China's political geography
In the previous section, I mentioned that according to "Records of the History", the ancestors of the ruling families of Wu, Yue, Chu, Qin, and Wei in the Spring and Autumn Period were all related to the Yellow Emperor. Wu, Yue, Chu, and Qin were often regarded as barbarians by the Central Plains China in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty; Wei and Rongdi may also have a lot of origin. [36] If these ancestral memories were also the self-declared ancestry history of the above royal houses or public houses in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, then it can be said that in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, the marginal ethnic groups of China directly or indirectly became Huaxia by clinging to the Yellow Emperor. In any case, "Guoyu" is the work of Chinese people in the Central Plains; in the bronze inscriptions or local documents of the above-mentioned peripheral countries, it is difficult to find the local memories of the Huangdi or the descendants of the Huangdi such as Zhuanxu and Gaoyang. [37] Therefore, even if the emperor of Wu said in the "Guoyu" and "Wuyu" that the Chinese countries are "brothers' countries" and Zhou Tianzi is called "uncle", etc., it is still not enough to prove that these countries were in the Spring and Autumn Period. The ruling family has claimed to be the descendant of the Yellow Emperor. In other words, China at the time imagined some marginal powers as descendants of the Yellow Emperor, which was also a kind of "climbing." This kind of "climbing" (the descendants of the ancestors that Huaxia imagined living outside) also caused the "climbing" of marginal ethnic groups (not the Chinese imagination or under the guise of a Chinese ancestor). [38]
The Yellow Emperor's attachment to the Western Shu people during the Han and Jin Dynasties
The attachment of the Yellow Emperor by the marginal Chinese people is more clearly reflected in the example of the "Shu people" in the Han and Jin Dynasties. The noisy Guanghan Sanxingdui culture in recent years proves that during the Shang and Zhou period, which is equivalent to the Central Plains, or earlier, the Shu area had a very prosperous civilization and a considerable political body. I have mentioned in my previous works that the Guanghan Sanxingdui culture has an important historical significance that has been ignored by many scholars; from the Han, Jinshu people’s memory of local literature, they have forgotten the local ancient civilization represented by this culture at that time. . [39] The next question is: How to forget? Why forgotten?
At the end of the Western Han Dynasty, in the Book of the Shu King by Yang Xiong from Shu, it expressed the local people's "amnesia" of the ancient Shu king. The article said: "Before Shu, the kings include Can Cong, Bai Yu, Yu Fu, and Enlightened.It was the time when people were cute, but they didn't know the words, and didn't have the courtesy and music. From Enlightenment to Silkworm Cong, it is thirty-four thousand years old. The first name of the king of Shu was Cancong, his descendant was named Baiyu, and the latter was named Yufu. These three generations were hundreds of years old, and they were all deified and immortal, and their people followed the king. "[40] In this passage, "Zhiji left gusset, no words, no rituals and music" is to barbarize the local "past". The author said, "From enlightenment to silkworm, there are thirty thousand four "Thousands of years" and "the three generations are hundreds of years old, all deified and immortal" are the mythification of the local "past". In the end, the phrase "its people are also quite following the king" is to directly cut off the present (Han Dynasty) Shu The connection between humans and these ancients. The "barbaric" and "mythological" of the local past (history) and cut off the relationship with the local people in the past are one of the ways for the Shu people in the Han Dynasty to forget the "past".
The more positive way to forget the past is to establish a new historical memory. The "Historical Records" states: "Shu preceded by the emperor. Huangdi and Zichang wanted to marry a daughter of the Shushan clan, and gave birth to the emperor. Liyu, Xia, Shang. Zhou Shuai, first called the king Can Cong. "[41] This is the inclusion of "Can Cong" in a "credible" linear history. The starting point of this history is the Yellow Emperor. The book of Yuecheng also recorded in the "Shiben" from the Warring States Period to the Western Han Dynasty: "Shu was the first to be born to the emperor. There is no surname. Xiangchengyun, the queen of Huangdi." [42] In this way, the Shu people are here. Shi also called himself a descendant of the Yellow Emperor.
The Shu people's attachment to the Yellow Emperor is more indirectly through the descendants of the Yellow Emperor-"Yu". "The Book of the King of Shu" stated that "Yu was born in Guangrou County, Wenshan County, and was born in Shiniu." There is Shiniu Township, which was also born by Yu."[43] Yang Xiong, Changzhu, Qiaozhou, etc. were all from Bashu. The native feelings and related historical memories of the Shu people are even more revealed in the biography of Qin Mi in "Three Kingdoms". The article records that Qin Mi was a native of Guanghan in Shu County; Shi Guanghan prefect Xiahou Shun had contemptuously asked Mi and local meritorious Cao Gupu how the local scholars compare to those from other regions. Qin Mi proudly replied: "Yu Sheng Shi Niu, today's Wenshan County is also." [44] "Three Kingdoms" has many records of the Central Plains people's contempt for the Shu people, as well as the local pride of the Shu people. All this shows that the people of Shu in the Wei and Jin Dynasties in the Han Dynasty still lived on the edge of China in the entire China. This kind of identity fringe crisis made them deliberately clinging to Huangdi and Dayu to emphasize their Chinese identity.
"Huayang Guozhi" by Jin Changzhu,It is the earliest and more comprehensive local chronicle of Shu people ever seen. The title "Hua Yang" means living on the southern edge of China. [45] In this book, he described the origin of Shu (Yuba): "The Yellow Emperor married the daughter of the Shushan clan for his son, Changyi, and gave birth to Gaoyang. Hou Bo."[46] This is a clear example of the native people of Shu clinging to the ancestors of the Yellow Emperor. At the end of the book "The History of Shu", Chang Qu said in his compliment to the land of Shu that "then the sage, then the great Yu gave birth to his hometown, and if he married, the Yellow Emperor would marry his daughter"-it also reflects the identity of the Shu people in this era. In China, Huangdi and Dayu are historical memories to be proud of. However, what is interesting is that Chang Qu quoted another statement on the origin of the ancient "Bashu people" in "The History of Huayang Kingdom":
Luo Shu said: the emperor of humans came out, after the emperor of the earth, brothers nine People divide the island of Kyushu into nine, and the emperor lives in the middle part of the state. The land of Huayang, the land of Liangmin, is one of them. The country within the bounds is Bashu. [47]
I once interpreted the above data with "historical mindset". To put it simply, Shu people Changchang uses two historical mindsets to illustrate the "origin" of the local people. First, under the historical nature of the "brother story", the author stated that the Chinese in Bashu, Zhongzhou and other regions all originated from several "brothers"; but admitted that "the emperor lived in Zhongzhou" and his ancestors lived in the marginal (auxiliary) Bashu. Second, under the historical mindset of "heroic history", he traced the origin of the local ancient emperors to the Yellow Emperor, but recognized the Yellow Emperor as authentic, and the emperor of Shu is the Yellow Emperor's "zhishu". The contexts shown by the two textual narrations are both-in the self-consciousness of Shu people like Changzhu at that time, they were living on the "Chinese marginal" or "Chinese marginal". [48] It is also worth mentioning that whether it is the descendants of the Yellow Emperor or the brothers of the Emperor, the blood connection between the people of Bashu and the Central Plains China is still limited to the ruling family of Bashu—the blood of the ruling emperor comes from the Emperor (or the Emperor) Brothers), his subjects still became Huaxia through the Huaxia of "nation" (space).
Since the Han and Jin Dynasties, the Yellow Emperor on the edge of the northern China
The mountain and plains along the Great Wall in North China are the areas where the forces of China and the "Rong Di" have fought back and forth in history. During the Western Han Dynasty, the Southern Huns, Xianbei and Wuhuan tribes lived near the border or entered the Senai. Western Qiangs also invaded the Guanzhong area on a large scale during the Eastern Han Dynasty. Under China's policy of controlling foreigners with barbarians, some Qiang tribes also stayed in.At the end of the Han and Jin Dynasties, China declined, and the "Five Hus" who were close to the frontier fortresses moved into northern China one after another. These nearby non-Han tribes, especially their high-ranking chiefs, are in contact with the Han people, so they have some exchanges in cultural and historical memory. In the past, many scholars paid attention to the problems of the Hanization of aliens in the north, the Huhua of Han people, or the cultural exchanges between Hu and Han; the focus of attention was mostly on the objective cultural changes such as changes in clothing, language, customs, and surnames. In a past article, I used the subjective mechanisms of historical memory and amnesia such as "borrowing an ancestor" and "searching for the lost ancestors" to explore the changes in ethnic identity that occurred on the fringe of northern China during this period. [49] Patricia Ebrey noticed that many non-Han tribe nobles had "surnames" in Chinese literature at this time, which can be traced back to the family genealogical memory of Yandi and Huangdi; what she is talking about is also historical memory and Han identity Relationship. [50] I will continue and discuss these issues in depth below.
In the "Historical Records", it is said: "The seedlings of the Xiongnu's ancestor Xiahou are also called Chunwei." [51] In the Book of Jin, the family origin of the Murong puppets of Xianbei was: "It first had the seedlings of the Xiong clan, who lived in Beiyi for a long time and lived in the field of Zimeng, and the name was Donghu." [52] According to Therefore, the ancestors of these two North Asian nomadic tribes all came from the Yellow Emperor. However, we don't know whether this is Huaxia's imagination of the origin of foreign races, or the origin of the ancestors claimed by some of the Huns and Xianbei families. "Book of Jin" also records that the origin of the Xianbei aristocrat Murongyun's family origin is: "Grandfather He, the subordinate of Gaojuli, from the seedlings of the Gaoyang clan of Yun, so Gao is the clan Yan."[53] Come, this Murong family is a descendant of the Yellow Emperor. Helianbobo, a descendant of the Youxian King of the Xiongnu, but according to the Book of Jin, he once said to others: “After the great Yu, I lived in a quiet place.” [54] During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, many Qiang people gathered in the Guanzhong area They live in different families, and some of them have the ancestors of the Yellow Emperor as their ancestors. Such as Nan'an Chiting Qiang, Yao Yizhong, is said to be a seedling of the Yu family. [55] An inscription, "Ode to Qing De, the King of Sui Chuang Er", records that the ancestor of Guanzhong Qiang's family surnamed Chou Er is "this week, after the prince Jin Jin, he avoided the land of Xi Rong and became the ruler of the world"[56] ——This should also be the family's self-declared ancestry. Another Guanzhong Qiang has a giant surname and a family surname. According to "The Compilation of Yuanhe Surnames", they claim to be after the Xiahou clan. [57] Whether it was after the Dayu, after the Gaoyang clan, after the Xiahou clan, after the Yu clan, or after a prince Zhou, in the social memory contained in the Chinese literature, the Huangdi had the descendants of the Xiong clan.In some of the above examples, it is believed that some of the "Five Hus" in northern China during the Han and Jin dynasties once clung to the Yellow Emperor or the descendants of the Yellow Emperor as their ancestors.
The memory of the origins of the Huangdi tribe is passed down among the noble families in North China; under such circumstances, the Xianbei Tuoba clan who unified the north was not immune to vulgarity. According to the "Book of Wei", the ancestors of the Tuoba family are as follows:
There are twenty-five sons of the Emperor Huangdi, or the inner list of all the Hua, or the outer division of the waste. Changyi had the fewest sons, and he was named as Daxianbei Mountain under the title of Beitu, the state-owned Daxianbei Mountain. The following generations will be the head of the monarch, the north of the secluded capital, and the vast wilderness... Huangdi relied on the king of Tude, and the northern custom called the soil as support, and called the post as the postscript, so he thought it was the clan. His descendants, Shijun, entered the Yao world, chased females in the north of the weak water, the people depended on Qiqin, the emperor Shun Jiazhi, and he was named Tian Zu. During the three dynasties of Yaoli, as well as the Qin and Han Dynasties, the genres of Zhuan, Huanglu, Shanrong, and Xiongnu have been brutal for generations and have harmed Zhongzhou. However, the descendants of Shijun, who did not hand over to Nanxia, were therefore unheard of. [58]
This is a "remanufactured" work of historical memory. "Fragments" drawn from past historical memory, such as the descendants of the Yellow Emperor or in China or in the barbarians, Huangdi Tude, the descendants of the Yellow Emperor, "Shijun Sheng Beidi"[59], etc.; plus new materials (Daxianbei Mountain, Tuoba) is combined and manufactured, and "used" for new political or social purposes-claiming to be a descendant of the Yellow Emperor, the descendant of Shi Jun. Not only that, this historical narrative also emphasizes the cruelty of the Northern Wuhu, Huanghu, Shanrong, and Huns, and its harm to China; this emphasizes that Tuoba Xianbei and Huaxia have a common "marginal" or alien consciousness ( thesenseofotherness). Finally, "Shijun’s descendant, who did not pay to Nanxia, is therefore unheard of in Zaiji", to emphasize that the "belonging to the ancestors of the 獯鬻, 猃猃, Shan Rong, and Xiongnu" in Zaiji have nothing to do with Tuoba Xianbei; That is, to cut off the connection between Tuoba Xianbei and the "Northern Captives" such as Huanghu, Shan Rong, and Xiongnu. However, Tuoba Xianbei was not regarded as a "child of the Yellow Emperor" in the "Book of Southern Qi" and "Book of Songs" written by the scholars of the Southern Dynasties, but still regarded as a "captive". The former is called "Weilu", which is said to be a species of the Huns; the latter is called "Suotoulu", which is said to be the descendant of Li Ling, the general who descended from the Han to the Xiongnu. [60] Relatively speaking, the later "Book of Jin" (completed in the early Tang Dynasty), it is easier to accept many northern aristocratic families as descendants of the Yellow Emperor. The reason may be that "Book of Jin" was originally known for collecting wild history and rumors, or it collected a lot of "indigenous viewpoints" of ethnic origin. The more important background is that the so-called "Five Hus" have already been integrated into the Han society in North China at this time.Many of them came from famous sects and even served as high-ranking officials in the Chinese courts of the Tang Dynasty. Among the prime ministers of the Tang Dynasty, we can find several descendants of the Yellow Emperor who came from the "edge of China".
For example, in the "Book of the Prime Minister's Lineage" in the "Xin Tang Shu", there is "Wushi", "from the surname Ji, after the Yellow Emperor, the Shaohao clan named the official Wuniao, and the clan was named after the world. Qi has more than Wu," His descendants lived in the north, named Wuluohou, and moved to Zhangye." [61] According to earlier documents, Wuluohou was a nomadic tribe in the forest and grassland living far away in the Heilongjiang River Basin, and seemed to have nothing to do with the Yellow Emperor. It is also stated in the "New Tang Book" that the Wuwei Li family was originally called the An family, which was also derived from the surname of Ji: "The Yellow Emperor was born in Changyi, the second son of Changyi, An, lived in the West, and called himself the State of Peace... to Baoyu gave the surname Li. "An Zhongbei" of the An family in the Tang Dynasty, in the article claimed that the family was "the grandson of Emperor Xuanyuan, descended to the weak water"; it shows that this family from the Western Regions indeed claimed to be the descendants of Emperor Huang. In addition, Xianbei did not have the descendants of the Luhui tribe, the Dou family, and traced the family origin to the Xiahou family.
It is also said in the "New Tang Book" that the famous prime minister Hou Jun Ji's "Hou Shi" comes from the surname Si and is the descendant of the Xia Hou clan; the other is that they come from the Ji surname, and in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, "the descendants are suitable for other countries" ". The same document records that they later moved to the west following Emperor Xiaowu of the Northern Wei Dynasty (534 AD) and were given the surnames "Hou Fu Shi" and "He Tu Shi", and finally changed back to "Hou Shi". However, the "Book of Sui" records that when Emperor Wei Xiaowen moved to Luoyang, because most of the people in Xianbei did not speak Chinese, Emperor Xiaowen ordered "Hou Fu" Hou Kexiling to translate the filial piety in Xianbei language. [62] Apparently, as early as when Emperor Wei Xiaowen moved to Luoyang (494 AD), there was already a quite Chinese "Hou Fu" family. We still cannot rule out a possibility: this family is the descendant of the Xia Hou clan or the descendants of the Ji surname, they have been hovering on the edge of Han and non-Han. But a more reasonable explanation is that they were originally a noble descendant of the Xianbei tribe; later, due to their adeptness in Confucianism, they had the ability and willingness to cling to the Yellow Emperor with "ancestral origin" and become the descendants of the Yellow Emperor.
In this article, I will focus on the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor". However, it is necessary to talk about the "Descendants of the Emperor Yan". In the "Book of the Later Han Dynasty" written in the Wei and Jin Dynasties, it was mentioned that "Xiqiang" was a family of Jiang surnamed and descended from Sanmiao, but it did not mention Emperor Yan. [63] Whether it is Sanmiao or Jiang, it means "loser" or "exile". Earlier I mentioned several "Qiang people" families who claimed to be descendants of the Yellow Emperor in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. It seems that they do not accept that they are descendants of "San Miao" or "Jiang"."Book of Zhou" records the origin of the ancestors of the Xianbei Yuwen clan, "Shennong clan was annihilated by the Yellow Emperor, and descendants lived in Shuoye...the world is an adult". [64] Although the "Book of Zhou" was compiled in the Tang Dynasty, the Northern Zhou Dynasty followed the tradition of compiling history in the Chinese dynasty and ordered officials to compile the history of the country. Because the Shennong clan who was destroyed by the Yellow Emperor refers to the "Yandi", according to this record, the Northern Zhou royal family may be the descendants of the Yandi.
originated from the Liao of Khitan and was regarded as a descendant of Xianbei in the Middle Ages. Therefore, Tuoketuo's "Liao History" in the Yuan Dynasty adopted the "Book of Zhou" theory and believed that the Liao was after the Yan Emperor. [65] However, "History of Liao" also mentioned the statement advocated by Yelvyan, calling the Liao Dynasty after Xuanyuan; because this statement came out late, the author of "History of Liao" believed that it was not credible. [66] Yelvyan himself is a noble descendant of the Liao Dynasty, and was ordered to compile the historical records of the Liao Kingdom. Therefore, his statement can represent a kind of "indigenous viewpoint"-it shows that some Liao people who entered China have a certain sense of their ethnic origin at this time. This is a typical saying, that is "the descendants of the Yellow Emperor." Yelvyan, who studied history in the Liao Dynasty, must have read the "Book of Zhou", which was built in the Tang Dynasty, and also came into contact with the saying that "Yuwen Xianbei is the descendant of Emperor Yan"; obviously he deliberately chose "The Yellow Emperor" as the object of attachment. In any case, after the "History of Liao" explained the Liao Dynasty as Emperor Yan, there was a passage saying: "The descendants of Yandi and Huangdi have many descendants, Wang Ji's feudalism is limited, and Wang Zheng's cloth is endless. Therefore, there are two emperors in the four directions. Children and grandchildren, and those who are self-contained in the soil, this is the same."[67] This text is worthy of our attention in two respects. First, it rationalizes or obscures the fact that the foreign barbarians from outside the Liao Dynasty entered China in the same way that "the monarchs of the Quartet" all came out of Yan and Huang, and this was based on the historical narrative edited and edited by Mongolian historians in the Yuan Dynasty. . Second, it can also be seen that since the Northern Dynasties, Sui, and Tang, in addition to clinging to the Yellow Emperor, there are also many noble families clinging to the Yan Emperor.
As a Jurchen Jinren, he is not interested in clinging to the Yellow Emperor. It is mentioned in the "Golden History" that an official once suggested that the ancestor of the Jin Dynasty was the Gaoxin clan, who was after the Yellow Emperor, so a temple should be built for the Yellow Emperor. At that time, Zhang Xingxin, who was an official of national history, refuted his claim; he claimed that according to the record of the first ancestor of Jin, he only said that his family came from Goryeo, and did not say that he came from the Gaoxin clan. Finally, the emperor agreed with him. [68] The Mongolian nobles who entered the Central Plains in the Yuan Dynasty, at least through the official Chinese history and the "Mongolian Golden History", "Mongolian Secret History" and other documents, they believe that the origin of the Mongolian nationality has nothing to do with the Yellow Emperor. The Manchurian Jurchen who came to China in the 17th century,In their typical memory of native ethnic origin, "An Investigation of the Origin of Manchuria", their ancestral origin is also not related to Emperor Yan and Emperor Huang. Why are the Jinren, Mongolian and Manchurian Jurchens who entered China not interested in climbing Yanhuang? This is a question that deserves attention and needs to be discussed in depth. [69]
The Yellow Emperor Climbing on the Edge of Chinese Society
In the previous section, the Huangdi Climbing on the edge of Chinese political geography was mentioned. The so-called "political geography" margin of China here seems to be the ethnic margin of Han and non-Han in our general concept. I don’t want to call it “the edge of the Chinese ethnic group” because if we call the community of people with common beliefs (commonbeliefoforigins) a “ethnic group,” then from the Warring States Period to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, it is not always owned by everyone in the Chinese territory. The memory of ancestors can be connected with the blood of the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor". Rather, people with this pedigree memory have a process of expansion and extension from top to bottom. The key to this change is the development of families-ethnic groups with "surnames" and genealogical memories-in Chinese society.
Regarding the development of Chinese clan or family, many Chinese and Western scholars have had many discourses; they mostly regard it as a characteristic of Chinese social structure. Regarding it as a social structure seems to imply that the Chinese have been condensed under "families" since ancient times. This view ignores the fact that the existence and spread of family groups with memory of surnames and literary genealogy has a process of development in China. The word "multi-sheng" is common in the inscriptions of the Yin Ruins. Scholars point out that this is a general term for the nobles of different surnames in the Shang Dynasty. [70] According to the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty, there was a custom of "women calling their surnames" at that time, indicating that these nobles who used marriage as a means of alliance all had surnames. The inscription mentions the surnames of the author’s wife, daughter, and mother, which means that the author uses this to boast of the political alliance of his country and family. [71] In any case, these surnames are noble houses. In some bronze inscriptions in the middle and late Western Zhou Dynasty, the word "people" appeared; for example, "the lords Baisheng" in "Xijiapan", "Uncle Yigui" has "Baisheng Friends", and "Shanding Tripod" "The clan-and the people" in. [72] This "people" should be a general term for many noble families with different surnames in the country or between countries. In the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, the "surname" was still the patent of the nobles and their descendants. Many pre-Qin documents mention "people", and various texts show that these "people" have a close relationship with their rulers.[73] Whether or not even the ruler can settle down depends on whether the people obey. Therefore, these "people" are roughly similar to the category of people referred to by the "national people" during the city-state period of the Zhou Dynasty, [74] or they are descendants and extensions of the "national people" group. From some archaeological documents or other written materials, we can also know that most of the people in the bottom society of China at that time probably did not have a surname. [75]
During the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the ethnic groups that claimed to be or were regarded as the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" tended to increase and expand. The kings and the tribal leaders and families under their jurisdiction. In the Tang and Song dynasties, due to the social mobility since the imperial examinations prevailed, a family that had a surname and traced back to a glorious ancestral origin gradually became common in the middle class of Chinese society; that is, more gentry families also directly or indirectly Become the Emperor Huang. By the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, such groups of people were ubiquitous in the middle and lower classes of Chinese society. One of the functions of a clan or clan genealogy is to connect the "origin" of a group of people on the axis of Chinese classic history. The starting point of this axis is the Yellow Emperor; this allows a family to be directly or indirectly related to the Yellow Emperor. In the course of history, families with surnames and related genealogical memories became more and more common, and thus became the unit of the population of the descendants of the Yellow Emperor. It has also become more and more in the Chinese realm, and it has expanded to the middle and lower classes of society.
We can say that if ancient China was a "ethnic group", then in a long period of history, the factors that constituted this ethnic group are based on the "surname" as the blood symbol, which can be linked to the linear historical narrative of China. Family history is the collective memory of each family. [76] In China, since the Han Dynasty, the term "people" represents the ruled people, which means that many families with other surnames are ruled. A question worth exploring is: since when did all people in the Chinese territory have a "surname", or since when did people have a literary family pedigree history. A queen of the Tang Dynasty once asked his ministers that many scholar-officials talked about their own clan, saying that they were "the descendants of Yan and Huang". Isn't there no common people in ancient times? The minister, Zhang said, replied:
Gu Wei has a surname, Ruo Yi Diran. Since the ginger of Emperor Yan, the surname of Ji of Huangdi, he was born because of the place where he was born. Later, the emperor built virtue and gave his surname because of his birth. Huangdi has twenty-five sons, and 14 of those with the surname;The surnames of foreigners in Germany are special. Afterwards, either by the official, or by the country, or by the word for the king's father, the first was the gift of the family, and the long time was the surname. After descending to Tang and Yu, he arrived in the Warring States Period, and his surnames became wider and wider. During the decline of the Zhou Dynasty, the nations were destroyed, and each of its people regarded the old nation as their clan. Everyone had a surname during the Han Dynasty and the Han Dynasty. [77]
This text shows that a Chinese scholar-official in the Tang Dynasty, based on historical knowledge at the time, realized that "surnames" had a social development process from top to bottom, from the few to the crowd. However, he set the historical process of this development between the period of the Yellow Emperor and the Han Dynasty, so the starting point and the ending point are too early. As late as the Tang Dynasty, there may still be people who did not have a surname in the remote and border areas of China. Furthermore, due to differences in related historical memory patterns, the so-called "surname" has different ethnic identity meanings among people in different regions and different social classes in China (details later). In any case, what Zhang said in the Tang Dynasty also shows that he thinks whether there is a "surname" or not can be used as the distinction between Huaxia and Yidi. Zheng Qiao in the Song Dynasty stated in his "Tong Zhi": "The last three generations were divided into two, men called clan and women called clan. So the clan is not expensive and inferior; the most expensive have a clan, and the inferior have a name but no clan. This way is still there."[78] This statement pointed out that in the ancient China, only the upper-class nobles had surnames, and ordinary civilians had no surnames. In any case, the above data shows that the Chinese scholar-officials in the Tang and Song dynasties believed that all the "people" at that time had a surname; even if they did not necessarily have a deep understanding of the most marginal and low-level people in China at that time.
Even if we believe that in the Tang Dynasty or earlier, all Chinese folk families had "surnames", but only the surname, and the surname, and the literary genealogy traced back to a proud ancestor in history, both are still There is a considerable gap. Among the people in the remote rural areas of China, some oral family history memories have been expressed in the history starting from the "brother story" to modern times or to this day. [79] I used to record people's oral family history in a mountain village in the Baicao River Basin in northwestern Sichuan. The following is what the two elderly people said:
(1) I heard from my ancestors that it was when Huguang filled Sichuan.... It was Zhang, Liu, and Wang who came to Xiaoba at that time. When I came here, it was the third brother. At that time, the grandfather who called Chazhan said, "Sit there." At that time, it was impossible for the three brothers to marry, so they changed their surnames. Liu, Wang, and Long, changed into Long, are three ditches. One ditch is the shirt forest, which is the Liu family. The other is Neiwaigou, which was Longjia at that time. The second one is more controversial, and now it is the Wang family.These three gaps, so now we say that Liu, Wang, and Long are not related to each other. The three brothers came...
(2) We are from Xiaogan, Huguang, and five brothers are here, all of whom are surnamed Wang. Mainly in Xuanping, Jinfeng, Baini and Xiaoba. Of the five brothers, two went to Xiaoba; one was in Unity Shangzhai, and the other was here.
We can see that such "family origin" memories are based on the ancestor brother relationship to rationalize the current ethnic relationship (such as the villagers in Santiaogou in Example 1), or express expectations and imagined ethnic relationship (such as Second, Xiaoba and the Wang family in three neighboring townships); both focus on the current "local context" (local context). This is quite different from the writing of the general Chinese character genealogy-under the historical mindset of the "hero ancestor"-starting with a hero ancestor, and using linear family history to distinguish between mainstream and branch writing. [80] The former uses the metaphor of "brother" to emphasize an ethnic relationship of equality, cooperation and confrontation. The latter uses the metaphor of the "hero saint king", emphasizing the social hierarchy of noble and inferior, concubine, elder and child. The former is a structural history, reflecting the actual or expected status of a family in the local social ethnic structure. The latter is a kind of linear history and a small branch of linear Chinese historical narrative, so it reflects the connection between a family and the external society, and its actual or declared superior position in the overall Chinese society. Strictly speaking, only the latter constitutes the Chinese or Han people as "the descendants of Yan and Huang"; the former expresses the historical mindset of many marginalized people in this group.
Judging from the prefaces of some existing Qing Dynasty genealogy, "repairing the genealogy" is not an easy task for the Chinese people in rural areas; if it were not for the accumulation of several generations, it would not be possible to have a few disciples who had been enrolled in school. this. Therefore, many families have surnames and can be traced back to a proud ancestor. There must be a gradual process in Chinese civil society. This gradual process is closely related to the "civilization" of Chinese society, as well as the gradual popularization of certain historical memories and cultural customs, symbols and values to the middle and lower levels of society through oral and written dissemination. Although we are unable to know the "surname" and related memories of ethnic origin, the comprehensive distribution and evolution in Chinese society through documents, oral narratives and images. But the family "genealogy" in literature memory can be used as a good indicator. In other words, when the “ancestral genealogy” of a certain ethnic group appears in the Chinese document tradition and is preserved and passed down,The significance lies in the fact that the ethnic group declares a kind of self-awareness and identity through the "history of my race"; this self-awareness and identity also received the attention and cognition of the main society at that time.
In this regard, the Yellow Emperor, as the common ancestor of the "people", has its initial advantages. Although "surname" is mentioned in many places in Chinese pre-Qin documents, the most detailed record can be found in the description of the descendants of the Yellow Emperor in Guoyu:
The same surname is a brother. There are twenty-five Huangdizi, two of whom have the same surname. Only Qingyang and Yigu are their own surnames. Qingyang, Fang Lei's nephew; Yigu, Tongyu's nephew. Those of the same birth but different surnames, the sons of the four mothers have twelve surnames. There are twenty-five sects of the sons of Huangdi, and 14 of them have surnames, with twelve surnames. Ji, You, Qi, Ji, Teng, Zhen, Ren, Xun, Xi, Xi, Yan, Yishiye. Only Qingyang and Canglin are the same as Huangdi, so they are both named Ji. The same is true of the difficulties of the same virtue. [81]
Many scholars have discussed this document at the level of "historical facts". But if we look at it from the perspective of social and historical memory, it is more important that many of the "surnames" mentioned in this document are from the descendants of the Yellow Emperor, so it makes it easier for the "descendants of the Yellow Emperor" to be borrowed and attached to by the "people" of later generations. . [82] As in the previous quotation, Zhang said in the Tang Dynasty that the origin of the "surname" of each family was traced back to the twenty-fifth son of Huangdi, as an example. Luo Mi of the Southern Song Dynasty also stated in his book "History of the Road" that Taishi Gong (Sima Qian) cited Huangdi as the first record of the history. One of the reasons was that all the surnames of later generations came from Huangdi. [83] The genealogy of
literature is also the "Book of Surnames"; the author of "Sui Shu" once traced its history, saying:
Book of Surnames, its origin is far away.... The Zhou family's small history determines the family, distinguishes Zhaomu, is also the history of the post. Qin conquered the world and removed the old traces, and the descendants of the fathers lost their roots. At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, he obtained "Shiben", which said that the Yellow Emperor had come out of his ancestors. The Han also had the "Chronicles of Emperors", and the later Han had the "Deng's Official Genealogy". In the Jin Dynasty, Zhiyu wrote ten volumes of "Clan Name Zhaomu Ji". Between Qi and Liang, his books spread widely. After Wei Qianluo, there were eight families and ten surnames, and the emperor came out of the family. There are thirty-six tribes, those from the Wei Dynasty; the ninety-two surnames are tribal adults, and they are from Luoyang, Henan. The Chinese scholars are the first of their families, with the surnames of the four seas, prefectures, prefectures, and counties. And Zhou Taizu entered the pass, the descendants of all surnames were meritorious, and they were ordered to be their clan chiefs, who still wrote records and recorded what they inherited.It also regards the prefectures within the Guan as its original hope. [84]
When Sima Qian wrote Shi Ji, Shi Ben was one of his important references. According to Ban Gu's words, "The history of the emperor and the princes and princes and the ancestors of the princes and princes and princes and princes from the ancestral generations of the emperors and princes and princes, according to Ban Gu's words, was recorded." Therefore, this is the genealogy of political leaders such as emperors and princes. "Emperor Century" by Huangfu Mi of Jin Dynasty, not to mention, records the genealogy of emperors. Although the "Official Genealogy of Deng's Family" and "Zhaomu Ji" of the Han and Jin Dynasties have been lost, from the name of the book, they are books that record the genealogy of a family or a family. Judging from the book of surnames contained in "Sui Shu", there are genealogies of emperors, genealogy of surnames based on one place, genealogy of surnames based on one surname, and a variety of genealogies called "Hundred Genealogy". Genealogy book. The origins of these ancestors can be found in the recorded "family". Except for the family of emperors, they should be the county, state, and surnames mentioned in the Sui Shu. Therefore, it can be said that in the Sui and Tang dynasties, the number of "families" with documentary genealogy memory has increased a lot compared to the Warring States period to the early Han Dynasty. In the Tang Dynasty, genealogy editing was more popular. At this time, the famous genealogical books, such as "Clan Chronicles" and "Surname Records", were mostly compiled by the government. Scholars believe that this is a new family that has emerged with new political forces. With the intervention and support of official forces, the genealogy will be revised to re-evaluate the clans and establish a clan group centered on the royal family. [85] In the "Clan Chronicles" of the official revision of the Tang Dynasty, there are 293 surnames recorded for a total of 1651. In any case, this was still only the top level of the population pyramid in China at that time.
As for the ancestors of these "families", the "New Tang Book" has a simple introduction to the ancestors of families that had children as prime ministers, so they can show their major significance. [86] In this document, these prime ministers of Tang dynasty, no matter their origins are Han or non-Han, their family origins are mostly directly or indirectly related to Huangdi, and some are related to Yandi. For example, Zhang, "from the surname Ji. Huangdi son Shaohao Qingyang's son wielded the bow, and began to make bows, and his descendants gave the surname Zhang." "Another example, Xue," comes from the surname Ren. Huangdi Sun Zhuanxu's youngest son Yang Feng Yu Ren, the twelfth generation Sun Xizhong is Xia Chezheng, Yu Feng is Xuehou." Fu Shi, "from the surname Ji; Huangdi descendant Sun Dayu He was named Fu Yi because he thought it was a clan." Another example is the Zhou clan, "Zhou clan comes from the surname Ji; Huangdi descended from Sun Huji", Huji is the first ancestor of Zhou people. Another example is the Ji family, "The Ji family comes from the surname Jia; the Huangdi descendant Sun Boku was named to Nanyan, and he gave the surname Jia." Zhu’s,"From the Ji surname; Zhou Wu Wang Keshang, after he was named Huangdi Yu Zhu." Dong, "from the Ji surname; Huangdi descendant Sun Youpin Shuan, father of Dong father, Shun gave the surname Dong." The above are all in the Tang Dynasty. "The Yellow Emperor's descendants", or the descendants of the Yellow Emperor. There were also many "Descendants of Emperor Yan" in the Tang Dynasty. In the "New Book of Tang Dynasty" there is a title, “from the surname Jiang, Sun Ju from Yandi’s descendant was Huangdi’s teacher, Xu Tu Ming’s clan, to the Xia Hou clan, the father was listed as a vassal, and his land Bianzhou Fengqiu had a title. The pavilion of the father is the capital of the father." There is also the Yuwen family. According to this document, the source is: "The Shennong family was destroyed by the Yellow Emperor, and the descendants lived in the north. , Because of the self-named Tongfen clan, the subsequent sound is the Yuwen clan.” This is only part of the example of directly attaching to the Yellow Emperor (and the Yan Emperor); others are the ancestors of the prince of Ji Zhou, or the clan of the Liu surname of the Han Dynasty. , Indirectly became after the Yellow Emperor. Earlier, I mentioned the question of a queen of the Tang Dynasty—why these scholar-official families all said they were Yan and Huang Empress—which also proved that it was quite common for the Tang Dynasty's noble clans to cling to Huangdi (and Yandi).
Many scholars who study Chinese genealogy believe that the Song Dynasty is a critical era in the history of Chinese genealogy writing. Most of the official pedigrees of the Tang Dynasty were lost during the war. The re-emerged style of family genealogy has been transferred to the hands of private private scholars and has become more prosperous. From the Wei Jin to the Tang Dynasty, not only did many genealogical books be edited by the official, even the folk editors had to go to the official government. This is because in this period, the official must first ask the family and family. However, after the Song Dynasty, the appointment of officials no longer "checked his genealogy", so the family genealogy writing was also disconnected from the government. [87] Freed from the interference of political authority, from this down to the Ming and Qing dynasties, the style of private genealogy compilation by families was flourishing. By the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, researchers believed that it was time for "surnames, ancestry, and clan genealogy"; [88] Or, it is estimated that from the Qing Dynasty to the mid-twentieth century, there were no less than 20,000 genealogies in all parts of China. Kind. [89] It can be said that since the Song Dynasty, the "family" with genealogies in China has continued, or moved down to the marginal bottom of Chinese society at a faster rate.
An important component of the private family tree after the Song Dynasty is the "clan origin" or "surname origin". In this part, many families are directly or indirectly involved in blood ties with the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor". But in most cases, it was not the "Yellow Emperor" who was clinging to it but a celebrity in history. However, because in the "Historical Records" written by Sima Qian in the Han Dynasty,During the Xia, Shang and Wednesday dynasties, the clan families were all descendants of the Yellow Emperor. The ancestors of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty royal families all came from Yanhuang. Most of the famous clans in the "Genealogy" of the Tang Dynasty also claimed to be descendants of the Yellow Emperor. Therefore, the "clan origins" of the Ming and Qing dynasties are very different. It is difficult not to have a relationship with Huangdi and Yandi. In particular, scholars in the Ming and Qing Dynasties were still keen to compile the "Book of Surnames" that unified Wanzong; as Gu Yanwu in the early Qing Dynasty said in his "Rizhilu": [90]
. The first row is the sons of the Yellow Emperor, and there are twelve people who have the surname. In the second, more than three generations have won the country and received the clan, and later generations are considered to be surnames. In the second time, the people under the Warring States Period are seen in the biography, and nowadays, they are known by the surname. At the second time, the three kingdoms and the Northern and Southern Dynasties were seen in history. Another time, the surname of Liao, Jin and Yuan of Beifu was seen in history. And those who have nothing to test, don't be one thing.... In this case, if the net is in the key, it is methodical, and the quintessence of the famous family is useless, isn't it a big thing against this kind of family?
started in Huangdi's "Book of Surnames", and naturally the vast majority of Chinese families at that time were included in the Huangdi family. In fact, in the preface of the "Management Genealogy of Wan Xing", which was revised by an official in the Ming Dynasty, it stated: "The husband is in the world, and the family accumulates; the genealogy can unite the family, then the world is united as a family, and the family is based on the surname of the world";[ 91] This has clearly stated the attempt to "unify the world as one family" with a unified spectrum. And the beginning of this family of 10,000 surnames, this preface also attributed it to the Yellow Emperor. [92] In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Wang Fuzhi, who actively opposed Manchuria, later escaped into the country to live in seclusion, and wrote "The Yellow Book" to promote the righteousness of the nation. The title of this book means that the Yellow Emperor is the identification symbol of the Han nationality. In the preface of his book, it says, "Recounting the rule of Xuanyuan, the rule of Xuanyuan, the establishment of Huangzhong, and the refusal of the disaster of special kind of Qi"; more clearly stated that a person who started with the Yellow Emperor and was marginalized by the non-self race Han ethnic group imagination. However, in the same book, he also stated that many people who live in the tent and migrate with animals, and those who live in the border areas and have different customs from the Han people, have their ancestors from a few surnames. [93] Although not stated clearly, his so-called "Yin Yin of the number of surnames" should mainly refer to the descendants of Yan and Huang. From this point of view, under the influence of relevant historical memory, Han centrists such as Wang Fuzhi have also extended the imagination of "the descendants of Yan and Huang" to "special vulgar" places outside China.
Genealogy or genealogy, is the "history" of a blood group. The "document genealogy" in written form represents a "ethnic group" by which it forcefully declares the existence of this group and declares its relationship with the Chinese society as a whole. The preservation and circulation of this document,This makes this declaration easy to become the subject's social cognition. Therefore, the family with "document genealogy" has developed from top to bottom in China, and its meaning is: in the field of "China", it can be spoken and recognized and can be related to the blood of the "children of Yan and Huang" Since the Warring States period, the "ethnic group" of the alliance has gradually emerged from a small number of people, from the upper to the lower class-more and more lower-class ethnic units (families) have been able to claim their existence, and their existence has also been recognized by the mainstream society. These "ethnic groups" are the sub-group units that constitute a larger "ethnic group"-Huaxia or Chinese. Therefore, there should be some differences between the "people" that people in the Wei and Jin dynasties called, the "people" that people in the Tang and Song dynasties called, and the "people" that people have called since the 20th century.
On Climbing
Earlier, I mentioned the journey of two kinds of "Huaxia Fringe" people who clung to the Yellow Emperor as their ancestors. This kind of emotional clumps of people clinging to the Yellow Emperor was revealed very early in a legend about the Yellow Emperor. This legend or its remains can be found in many early Chinese documents. For example, according to the "Records of the History":
The Yellow Emperor took the bronze of the first mountain and cast the tripod under the Jingshan Mountain. The tripod is completed, with a dragon hanging down its beard to welcome the Yellow Emperor. The Huangdi rode up, the harem of the group of officials was more than seventy people from the top, and Long Nai went up. Yu Xiaochen was not allowed to go up, but he held the dragon's beard, pulled the dragon's beard, and fell into the Yellow Emperor's bow. The people looked up, and the Yellow Emperor went to heaven with his bow and dragon beard. [94]
In "The Songs of Chu", there is also the saying "Xuanyuan can't be supported, I will entertain Wang Qiao". To this day, this story often appears in some books called "Chinese Folk Tales"; it can also be seen that the spread of this myth is far-reaching. The appearance and repeated retelling (reappearance) of this mythical story all show that some people, things, and things in the text have important symbolic significance in Chinese society. These historical and cultural symbolic meanings have also been selectively recognized and interpreted by people. Among them, the "Yellow Emperor" and the "Ding" both symbolized political power; the Yellow Emperor ascended to the sky by the dragon after the successful casting of the tripod, representing the highest political achievement. Ding, harem, and ministers also represent prosperity and wealth, and the Yellow Emperor who owns the tripod and many harems and ministers ascended to heaven by dragon also symbolizes the extreme of wealth. The tripod is also a tool for alchemy, so the Yellow Emperor ascended to heaven after casting the tripod, symbolizing the transcendence of life and death through Taoism and medicine. Later, in Chinese folklore, especially in Taoist traditions, the Yellow Emperor became a symbol for training and becoming immortal; a commoner may also become immortal through training and swallowing alchemy.This may show the hope of the people clinging to the emperor. In any case, the ministers who want to climb the dragon must hope to ascend to heaven together with the Yellow Emperor are the most important symbolic theme in this myth—climbing. Whether it is the pursuit of power, wealth or health and immortality, the Yellow Emperor has become the object of people's attachment.
Attachment is produced by a desire to imitate, hoping to obtain a certain identity, benefit and protection by imitating. The objects that everyone clings to are naturally considered to have a prominent position in politics, society and culture. When discussing the process of "sinicization", many Chinese scholars have therefore embraced an ethno-centralism imagination-Chinese culture is superior, so it is learned and imitated by foreigners in the frontier. However, this can only be said to be part of the fact. Another part of the fact is that the desire to cling to culture and identity arises from the social and cultural gap between the clinging and the clinging. This social and cultural gap between Huaxia and "Huaxia Margin" is not necessarily an objective fact; sometimes it may be due to China’s political conquest and domination of "peripheral" areas, or due to the influence of "Han" on marginal "indigenous" and "indigenous culture". "Discrimination", and accompanying, "Han people" boast to "marginal people" with their own culture. Here, what I call "indigenous culture" and "marginal people" include "alien" people on the margins of political geography or outside the region, as well as "countryside" people on the social margins of China.
Discrimination against the culture and history of others, and the boasting of one's own culture and history, creates a "division" between people; this is slightly equivalent to what Pierre Bourdieu called, the social distinction caused by the distinction between superior and inferior taste . In the example of this article, it is not "taste" but "origin history" that is evaluated. Many Chinese families boast of their superior ancestors, and mock or imagine the inferior ancestors of others; this distinguishes which is the core, which is the edge, which is the main body, which is the branch, or which is the descendant of the conquering ruler, and who is It is the descendant of the conquered or ruled. In this situation, it often creates the motive of clinging to the marginalized politically or culturally disadvantaged. This attachment motive is equivalent to what René Girard calls mimetic desire (mimetic desire), who studies the roots of people's beliefs and violence. [96] In the example of this article, what is imitated and adhered to is also a "origin history"; and when the imitator or adherent declares a glorious ancestral source, he is also boasting others.For example, from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties to the Liao and Jin Dynasties, the leading families of the various tribes in northern China that entered China often rationalized their ruler status by clinging to the Yellow Emperor or the Yan Emperor, and boasted and distinguished themselves from other northern tribes. Another example is that since the Tang and Song dynasties, many new gentry families in China have built a family history to directly or indirectly cling to the Yellow Emperor, boasting and distinguishing themselves from other families.
The social distinction that Pierre Bourdieu calls appraisal taste and the desire to imitate, as René Girard calls it, all occur between groups in society that are close to each other or have frequent contact with each other. Indeed, cultural and historical discrimination, boasting, and clinging do not often occur between culturally, ethnically, geographically, and socially distant groups (such as Chinese and non-Chinese, gentry and villagers). On the contrary, they often occur between closer groups, forming a series of mutual discrimination, boasting, and clinging reactions. The local context in which this kind of social and cultural process occurs is not easy to present in the limited literature, or is often distorted. The prejudice of “patternization” (fan Zhunhua) in the conception makes us often pay attention to the transition from “non-Han” to “Han” when discussing various changes in identity or social mobility, or how “common people” can be among the “generals” ". In fact, the local situations in which imitation and clinging occur are often interactions between close groups whose cultural and social boundaries are quite blurred. The blurring of the boundaries makes one party have an identity crisis, and thus uses boasting to create or emphasize distinctions. On the other side, because of being unbearable to be discriminated against, or under the influence of cultural boasting, accepting a cultural and historical value (what is a noble culture, what is a noble ancestral source) and admires and admires the culture of the boast, so it imitates, Climb to change the boundaries of ethnic groups.
I have used the "green films and indigenous Baicao" in the upper reaches of the Ganjiang River in northwestern Sichuan as an example to illustrate such a local situation. [97] The Baicao and Qingpian residents of Beichuan are often referred to as "Qiang people" or "Qiang Fan" in Chinese literature. After the Ming Dynasty came under Chinese conquest and rule, the Han immigrants and the Han culture, historical memory and identity they brought gradually penetrated into the villages of the upper reaches of the Baicao and Qingpian Rivers. In the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China, a fuzzy border between Han and non-Han was formed here; everyone thought they were Han, but the people in the upstream villages were barbarians. Through the display and boasting of cultural symbols and historical memory at one end (the self-proclaimed Han people), and the imitation and clinging of the other end (the people who are regarded as barbarians),Since the Ming and Qing Dynasties, more and more Beichuan people called themselves "Han people." In addition to emphasizing that their family is a family of a certain surname from "Huguang", they all adhere to the Han identity by worshipping Dayu. However, people who call themselves "Han" and insult and mock the "barbarians" upstream are still regarded as "barbarians" by people downstream or in towns. Local elderly people said that in the past, scolding "barbarians" was in fact "cursing all the way". On the contrary, we can say that those who claim to be Han are "climbing one piece"-this is what I call the reaction of discrimination and clinging. Such ethnic identification with the local context, as well as the performance and manipulation of related historical memories and cultural symbols, is a mechanism and process of "sinicization" or changes in ethnic boundaries.
The ethnic system of the Qingpianhe and Baicaohe river basins in Beichuan during the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China can represent a phenomenon at a certain stage in the origin and formation of the Han people-or the larger Chinese nation. At the same time, or at least since the middle of the Qing Dynasty, some ethnic phenomena among the villagers in the upper reaches of the Minjiang River to the west may represent an earlier stage in this process. Here (Mao County), ordinary villagers do not call themselves Han; they call themselves "Erma", but they are regarded as "Han" by the upstream villagers and as "barbarians" by the downstream villagers. However, their chieftain and head family often claimed that their ancestors came from the Han region. For example, Daoguang’s "Maozhou History" stated that the ancestors of the five local households (indigenous chiefs) were all from the Han area; the ancestral homes of the four Tuguan families of the big surname, the small surname, the big surname Heishui, and the little surname Heishui are "Huguang", Songping The native official's ancestral home is Shaanxi. [98] Another example is the family of Wasi Tusi Suo (or Sanglang) in Wenchuan, whose ancestors were the Jiarongtou people, who were invited by China to settle the chaos and stay here in the Ming Dynasty. The family history can be traced for generations. [99] Even so, in the 1920s, the tusi's family told Li Guangming, an investigator of the Institute of History and Language of the Academia Sinica, and others that his family was descended from Han immigrants, saying that "Henan people have Sang Guotai," After Zhang Xianzhong suppressed Sichuan, he took his four sons to Sichuan to emigrate... The fourth son, Sang Peng, came to Wenchuan at this moment and inherited the post of chieftain at the chieftain's house." Yunyun. In his conversation with a native official of the Wasi family, Li Guangming also noticed an interesting phenomenon:
In his conversation, there are always words like "their natives" and "we Suo Jia", which means that they do not recognize Suo Jia It is the same species of the native people. He slept next to the opium lamp and talked to us about "the old rules of their natives." [100]
here,The chiefs cling to the ancestors of the Han people, imitate the customs of the Han squires, and boast to their neighbors (people in the village or the people in the upstream village). They mocked and discriminated against these neighboring people, but at the same time they were also discriminated against by neighboring downstream people and foreign Han people. The villagers imitated and followed the cultural customs of the downstream "Han" or local chief families (including the Han surname and family history that traced back to the Han ancestors), and boasted of distinguishing themselves from the upstream "manzi" or other families in the village.
The ethnic group system and related ethnic phenomenon in Beichuan and Maoxian since the Qing Dynasty mentioned above specifically and microscopically reflect the process of ethnic identity changes that have occurred in many border areas of China over the past thousands of years-the indigenous head families living on the border of China. Imitate and climb the Han culture and the origin of the Han people boasted by the neighboring people in the Han culture, and use this to show and boast to its people and neighboring ethnic groups who are far away from the Han culture. The ordinary people living on the fringe of China imitated and clung to the Han cultural customs and Han ancestry of neighboring Han people or local nobles. Such mutual boasting, discrimination, imitation, and clinging among neighboring groups promoted the expansion of Huaxia Margin.
Finally, it is worth noting that clinging is not just a one-way imitation of the "edge" to the "core" Huaxia; sometimes there are also Chinese or Han clinging, under the guise of the culture and history of foreign ethnic groups. In the Northern Dynasties, as stated in the "Family Instructions of the Yan Clan", some Northern Qi scholar officials were proud to teach their sons to learn the Xianbei language and play the pipa. [101] For example, from the end of Qing Dynasty to the beginning of the Republic of China, Chinese intellectuals who accepted the saying that "the Yellow Emperor is the chief of Babylon from the West" [102] were also influenced by the boasting of Western civilization (including history), and their ancestral history attached . For another example, the "Han people" in the Beichuan green film and Baicao areas mentioned earlier have been boasting through the display of cultural symbols and historical memories and relative imitations since the 1980s. More and more people have Become the Qiang nationality. In their new ancestral construction, Emperor Yan is the ancestor of all Qiang people; they believe that Emperor Yan and Huang Di are brothers, so Qiang people are also ancient China and descendants of the ancient Qiang people "Dayu". [103]
Conclusion
In this article, I explain that the modern Chinese nation-building with "Huangdi" or "Yanhuang" as the common origin imagination is inherited from an ancient history and historical memory. In other words, the construction of the modern "Chinese nation" is the latest stage in a continuous historical process.In this historical process, the identity of "my race" such as Chinese or Chinese people has contained multiple metaphors of domain, political power, and blood relationship in the ancestral "Yellow Emperor". Since the Warring States period, such a chaotic ethnic group has gradually expanded on two types of "Chinese margins" by clinging to the "Huangdi" or Yandi and the descendants of Yan and Huang-the Chinese margin of political geography, and the social one. China Edge. In other words, through the "surname" and the historical memory of the ancestral source linked to the surname, the "ethnic groups" that can be directly or indirectly related to the "Huangdi" (or Yanhuang) have gradually moved to the periphery of China and the lower social strata in the Chinese territory. Go by.
In terms of the political and geographic margins of "China", many leading families or intellectual elites of local society have joined the Yellow Emperor to join China, and at the same time, they have also included the local community in the domain of China. From the Warring States Period to the Han and Jin Dynasties, such a process occurred in places such as Wu, Yue, Chu, Zhao, Wei, Qin, Dian, and Bashu. The edge of China's "domain" has been roughly determined at this point, and there have been only partial changes since then. During the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the "Five Hus" were actually ethnic groups that originally lived in this area or entered this area from outside, and claimed to be the descendants of the Yellow Emperor or the Yan Emperor. Some of the northern gentry in the Tang and Song dynasties originally came from the Western Regions or the grasslands, but they also took the Yanhuang as their ancestors after they settled in China for a long time. What is more noteworthy is that starting from the Middle Ages, some northern tribes that entered China, such as Jurchen, Mongolia, and Tubo in the west, were less attached to Yan and Huang as their ancestors. Therefore, to this day, the "Chinese nation" or "Chinese nation" constructed with the metaphors of "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" or "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" cannot cover the northern and western "China" outside the Han nationality (or outside the traditional Chinese region). Ethnic minorities within the territory". For this reason, the concept of Chinese nationality that emphasizes "the descendants of Yan and Huang" cannot be universally recognized by the Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan peoples. In the southern or southwestern part of the traditional China region, the situation is somewhat different.
In this article, I have not discussed the situation in the southern and southwestern margins of China. We know from many documents that historically, the groups that have been attached to Yan and Huang by surnames and family histories have been spreading among the non-Han ethnic groups in the southern and southwestern margins of China. Here, the upper-level leading families often have "surnames" and claim to be Han people, while ordinary people have no Han surnames, or have Han surnames but lack family historical memories that can be linked to mainstream Chinese history. Therefore, the two Chinese margins mentioned in this article—political, geographical and social—overlap here and form a vague Chinese margin.It is recorded in the "Tong Dian" of the Tang Dynasty: "Songwai Zhuman...has dozens of surnames, with Yang, Li, Zhao, and Dong as famous families, each based on the mountains and rivers and not belonging to each other, since the beginning of the Han people."[104 ] The Song Dynasty "Tong Zhi" stated that in ancient China, the nobles had surnames, and the cheap ones had no surnames. "Today's southern barbarians still exist in this way" [105]-or it reflects that the author knew that in "Southern barbarians", many The noble family has a Chinese surname. In the Ming and Qing dynasties, in today's many southwestern ethnic groups such as Qiang, Miao, Yao, Tujia, She, Bai, Zhuang, etc., some chieftains or families with large surnames claimed that their ancestors were Han. In the literature of the Qing Dynasty, the chieftains in Yunnan-Guizhou area are mostly from Nanjing, and the chieftains from Sichuan are mostly from Huguang, reflecting this phenomenon. They can even directly or indirectly communicate with the blood of Yan and Huang through the "source of surname" in the family tree. For example, there is a picture of the ancestor of the She family in the Qing Dynasty in the Anthropology Museum of Xiamen University. The image and text on the home page of this picture trace the origin of the family to the "Yellow Emperor." Another example is the "Xiang Clan Genealogy" of the Tujia Nationality in Western Hubei, Hubei Province, which was revised in 1945. There is a saying "The Xiang clan of Guangdong, I belong to the king of Tang",[106] can also be said to be after self-declaration as the Yellow Emperor. In the same place, the Tujia family with the surname Tian, claimed to be "Tian Shiyanmen, there are bears, and the descendants of the Yellow Emperor". [107] The Southern Manchu family whose descendants were widely distributed in the minority areas of Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, and Guizhou provinces, whose genealogy was compiled in the late Ming Dynasty is also called "Yueji my clan originated from Yushun". [108]
On the social frontier of Huaxia, the more active ancestors are clinging to the "Chinese Realm". However, because "history" only pays attention to the "origins" of the upper-class rulers and noble families, the process of "the descendants of Yan and Huang" in the middle and lower classes of society is often ignored. In any case, the "source of surname" or "Xianshi Kao" in the genealogy is the self-declared ancestor of a group. In this regard, the history of the development of Chinese family and genealogy writing can be interpreted as: through the memory construction and writing, the "ethnic group" unit that can be connected with the blood of the "Huangdi" or "Yanhuang"-the family with the memory of the written genealogy- More and more, smaller and smaller, and more and more popular in the middle and lower classes of Chinese society. Finally, on the basis of this historical memory and historical facts, in the spirit of individualism contained in nationalism, Chinese intellectuals in the late Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China finally tied the Yellow Emperor to "every" Chinese with an imaginary blood relationship.
Since 1995, I have used many winter and summer vacations,Fieldwork in Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture in Western Sichuan. In a family of Wang Qiang in Puxigou, Li County, I once copied a genealogy of the family. This genealogy was revised in the middle of the Qing Dynasty. It is recorded in the spectrum: "My Wang's surname began in the Jin Dynasty, the prince of Zhou Ling. I was abandoned in Pingyang, Shanxi, and his descendants were named Wang's family, because I thought it was a clan." From the "Yuanhe Surname Compilation" in the Tang Dynasty to "Wan" in the Ming Dynasty In the Family Genealogy, it is recorded that the Wang's surname was the prince of Zhou Ling after the Jin Dynasty; this shows the inheritance of the memory of the clan origin, and also shows the power of works such as "The Book of Surnames" in the integration of the memory of the clan origin. However, in oral historical memory, the local surname of Wang was divided into five houses, allegedly caused by the separation of five brothers from Huguang. There is another saying that the source of the residents of the three largest local stockades is: in the past, there were three brothers who separated their families and used arrows to divide the territory. The arrows went to different places, so these three brothers established villages in three places. . The Wang family in Puxigou lives on the fringe of China’s political geography as referred to in this article, as well as on the fringe of Chinese society. Since the boundary between Han and non-Han is fuzzy and changing here, there is no strict division between the two edges. This example may also represent a microcosm of the process of the formation of the Han or the Chinese. In the oral history of the family with the "brother story" as the main axis, the "past" only interprets the current local ethnic relationship; the "surname"-based literal genealogy memory connects the history of the family with the historical narrative of China. Therefore, a family is tied to the entire Chinese nation. Therefore, in the historical process of nationalization or the formation of the Chinese nation, the oral tradition of the local "brother story" ethnic origin history, such as the "yan and yellow brothers" story spread in ancient China, and the "human emperor brothers" believed by the ancient Shu people The "Nine People" story, as well as the "brother story" mentioned in this article in Beichuan Baicao River and Puxigou in Li County, have gradually disappeared from social memory or are considered to be myths and legends.
In any case, in this long-term history of "Huangdi Climbing", "modern" is indeed an era of major changes. The units that cling to the Yellow Emperor are not "crowds" but "individuals"; clinging is no longer indirect, but directly (making everyone a descendant of the Yellow Emperor); intellectuals, the state and the media have also gained unprecedented knowledge control in the new changes. And expand the ability to promote the Yellow Emperor's attachment. From this point of view, what the modern national constructivists have said is true. Even so, whether it is the concept of national construction of "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" or "Descendants of Yan and Huang", it is difficult to rationalize the current Chinese nation's northern and western Manchuria, Mongolia, and Tibet.And part of the ethnic minorities in the southwestern region are included in this imaginary group of blood ties. Therefore, to a certain extent, the "Huangdi Climbing" represents the continuation of the process of transforming from China to the Chinese nation; the most important imagination and innovation in the "modern Chinese nation construction", and the resulting "modern" and "modern" The break between the "past" should be due to the influence of new linguistics, physiques, ethnology and archaeology on the construction of the nation. They do not necessarily make the classification of "nations" and the traceability of "nations" more correct, but they do provide more alternative interpretation tools for the construction of the state or nation (including the Yellow Emperor's attachment), thus creating China (or China). The marginal changes of the nation. Traditionally, the frontiers outside of Wang Hua, or the blurring distinction between Han and non-Han, have become peripheries within national borders. Therefore, although for the vast majority of border ethnic groups such as Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan, the historical memory of the Yellow Emperor or the descendants of Yan and Huang Di is of little significance. However, "Mongolian race", "Sino-Tibetan language family" and "Yangshao Culture", "Hongshan Culture", "Northern Bronze Culture" and other categories of physique, linguistics, archaeology, etc. are constructed and imagined in relation to each other. The ties of the nation are widely used to establish the border of the nation and strengthen the cohesion within the nation.
We cannot ignore that "Huangdi" has become the focus of the discussion on the origin of the family. In addition to "modern", it also appeared from the end of the Warring States Period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty. Therefore, when discussing the formation and changes of "Chinese", "the end of the Warring States Period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty" and "modern times" seem to be two important and critical eras. It is worth noting that these two important key eras, that is, the emergence of "Historical Records", and the era of the end of the writing tradition of "Official History" in the first and second part of "Historical Records" (or a major change in historical research and writing). "Historical Records" not only summarized the Yellow Emperor's discourse from the end of the Warring States Period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty, it also created a "genre" (genre) with "heroic ancestors" as the backbone (heroic biographies and emperor lineage), the so-called "regular history", and "History" is separated from the myths and legends that Sima Qian called "indecent and tame". This genre of official history writing in the biographical style disappeared at the end of the Qing Dynasty; the writing of Chinese history has since gained a new "rationality" and a new structure. Therefore, when studying the nature of the "Chinese" and its changes, we can not only analyze the relevant context from the "text", but also the emergence of various "genres" such as official history, local chronicles, genealogy, foreign travel notes, and modern "ethnic history". The change in form, the beginning of the division of "history" and "myths and legends" and the changes in the boundary between them,They all reflect some essential changes in the formation and transformation of the "Chinese"; these aspects are worthy of further exploration.
Finally, when analyzing the "Descendants of the Yellow Emperor" or "Descendants of the Yanhuang Emperor", our focus is often only on the identity of the "nationality" and the "nationality", and the distinction between the related Huayi or the Chinese nation and foreign races; what has been overlooked is , The core and marginal distinctions between human genders and classes hidden behind these "blood relations". Whether it is the "hero ancestry history" or "brother story" to construct a group of people's blood relationship, it is often the "origin" of some people-the blood of the ruler or the blood of the man-interpreting the entire ethnic group. origin". Therefore, people often use new "heroic ancestry history" or "brother story" constructions (women and socially disadvantaged people often participate in this construction) to change the boundaries of "ethnic groups" that can share common resources. However, in the new identity system, the marginal status of women and the disadvantaged in society has often not changed much. This is worth thinking about.
Notes:
[1] Xu Xusheng, "The Legendary Age of Chinese Ancient History" (1944; Beijing: Science Press, 1962); Meng Wentong, "Ancient History Zhenwei" (1933; Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press); Sun Zuoyun , "A Research on the Chiefs of the Bird Clan in Ancient China", "Journal of China" 3.3 (1945); Huang Shilin, Shi Xingbang, "The Dragon and the Chinese Nation", "The Yellow Emperor and Chinese Traditional Culture Academic Conference Collection", Xi'an: Shaanxi People's Publishing House , 2001, pages 94-102.
[2] In the past two decades, China has gradually entered the core circle of the world's political and economic system. However, it has been criticized by Western media, academic circles, and political power due to issues such as human rights, commercial competition, and Taiwan and Tibet. In this situation, Chinese nationalism has been greatly promoted. One of the signs of the rise of Chinese nationalism is the upsurge in the study of Huangdi or Yanhuang since the 1980s, and the activities of offering sacrifices to the Huangdi or Yandi Mausoleum. Scholars who study the phenomenon of human ethnic groups generally believe that common beliefs (common beliefs) condense an ethnic group. Huangdi, or Yandi and Huangdi, are generally considered by Chinese or Han people as their common ancestor; Huangdi is also considered to be the originator of many cultural inventions in China. Therefore, the study of the Yanhuang boom and related commemoration ceremonies can be regarded as a kind of social collective memory activity (collective remembering); a common "origin" is used to condense and strengthen the identity of the Chinese nation.Even so, with a few exceptions, the Yellow Emperor still could not arouse the research interest of professional historians.
[3] A new kind of "culturalism" is to trace the origin of Chinese culture and nation with "archaeological culture"; under this research orientation, many Chinese archaeologists believe that certain Neolithic cultures in North China are the Yellow Emperor The archaeological and cultural remains of the ethnic group or its era. See Yang Yachang, "A Preliminary Analysis and Archeological Observation of the Legends of Emperor Yan and Yellow Emperor", "The Collection of Academic Discussions on the Yellow Emperor and Traditional Chinese Culture" (Xi'an: Shaanxi People's Publishing House, 2001), pp. 85-93.
[4] Shen Songqiao, "I recommend Xuanyuan with my blood: the myth of the Yellow Emperor and the construction of the nation in the late Qing Dynasty", Taiwan Social Studies Quarterly 28 (1997): 1-77.
[5]BenedictAnderson,ImaginedCommunities.Rev.edition(London:Verso,1991);EricHobsbawm&TerenceRangered.,TheInventionofTradition(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983).
[6]RalphA.Pastitzinger. (Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress,1995);NormaDiamond,"DefiningtheMiao,"inCulturalEncountersonChina'sEthnicFrontiers.
[7]PrasenjitDuara,"DeconstructingtheChineseNation,"AustralianJournalofChineseAffairs30(1993):1 p-28."I recommend Xuanyuan with my blood: The Myth of the Yellow Emperor and the National Construction of the Late Qing Dynasty", p.53.
[9] PatriciaEbrey, "SurnamesandHanChineseIdentity," inMelissaJ.Browned.NegotiatingEthnicitiesinChinaandTaiwan(Seattle:University ofWashingtonPress,1996), pp.11-36.
[10] Guo Moruo, "Two Weeks in Jinwen" -220.
[11] For example, Charles LeBlanc pointed out that the Yellow Emperor in the pre-Qin literature has three conceptual references, one is genealogical ancestry (genealogicalancestrality), the other is paradigmatic emperorship, and the other is the divine Yellow Emperor; See Charles LeBlanc, "Are-examination of the Myth of Huang-ti," Journal of Chinese Religions 13/14(1985-86): 45-63.
[12] "Zuo Zhuan" 昭 17
[13] "国语" 4, Lu language; similar The records are also found in the "Book of Rites" and other documents.
[14] "Guan Zi" 50, Feng Chan.
[15] "Guan Zi" 84, light and heavy E.
[16] "Book of Shang Jun" 18, drawing strategy.
[17] The words of Zhouyi.
[18] "Zhuangzi" 4, outer part, in You.
[19] "Zuo Zhuan" Xi 25.
[20] "Zhuangzi" 9, Miscellaneous, Pirates.
[21] "Huainanzi" 15, Strategy.
[22] "Liezi" 2, Huangdi chapter; "Sunzi" 9, Marching; "Heguanzi" Volume 2 12, Shibing.
[23] Wang Mingke, "Foundation History—The Story of the Brothers of the Qiang Nationality","Time, History and Memory", edited by Huang Yinggui (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1999), pp. 283-341; Wang Mingke, "Historical Facts, Historical Memory and Historical Mind", "Historical Research" 5 (2001): 136-147.
[24] "Huainanzi" 3, Astronomy.
[25] "Zhuangzi" 9, Miscellaneous Chapter ‧ Pirates.
[26] In the concept of "nation-state" in modern times, in addition to uniting national members with a common "past", it also emphasizes the "progress" and "modernization" of this group. Prasenjit Duara mentioned in his work that linear history under nationalism emphasizes the continuity of history since ancient times on the one hand, and the rupture between tradition and modernity on the other hand; that is, the duality of nationalism. In ParthaChatterjee's research on Indian nationalism, this is reflected in the distinction between the world (material, progressive, Western, and male) and home (spiritual, traditional, native, and female). See ParthaChatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonialand Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: TheUniversity of Chicago Press, 1995), [pp.25 p. Examples of Process", "Journal of the Institute of History and Language of the Academia Sinica" 69.4 (1998): 841-885.
[28] "Historical Records" 1/1, Benji of the Five Emperors.
[29] I once used the method of new archaeologists to explore archaeological artifacts as a metaphor, suggesting a method of text analysis; analyzing what a text shows during the process of taking materials, making, to being used, preserved, and discarded Context.Wang Mingke, "Remaining Essence of Social Memory in Historical Documents and Anomalies: Metaphors in Archaeology", "Historical Materials and History since the Republic of China" (Taipei: National History Museum, 1998); Wang Mingke, "Historical Facts, Historical Memory and Historical Mind ", "Historical Research" 5 (2001): 139.
[30] "Historical Records" 31/1, the family of Wu Taibo.
[31] "Historical Records" 41/11, Yue Wang Jujian Family.
[32] "Historical Records" 5/5, Qin Benji.
[33] "Historical Records" 40/10, Chu Family.
[34] "Historical Records" 44/14, Wei Shijia.
[35] For example, there are obviously two different lineages in the pedigree of Wu State in "Historical Records". Beginning with Tai Bo, the first four generations had names such as Bo, Zhong, Uncle, Ji, etc.; this is the naming custom of Zhou people. From then on to Shoumeng, there are fifteen generations, and the names of the kings have nothing to do with the naming custom of this week; this part is likely to be the original native memory of this family before the influence of the Central Plains China.
[36] In addition to the "Historical Records" that the descendants of Wei's ancestor, Bi Gonggao, "either in China, or in Yidi", the same book also said that when Wei Jiang was the king of the clan, the Jin Gong Once used him as "He Rong, Zhai", Rong and Zhai were attached to the Jin Dynasty. This also shows that Wei and Rong Di may have a closer relationship. Similar ethnic politics can also be seen in the case of the king of Zhou in the Western Zhou Dynasty when he relied on the family of the Shenhou to come to Xirong; see Wang Mingke, "Fringe of China: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity", Taipei: Yunchen Culture, 1977, pp. 217-220.
[37] In the inscriptions of artifacts from Wu, Yue, Wei and other countries, there is a lack of data for tracing far ancestors. The inscription "Qin Gongzhong" traces the ancestors of the United States and only mentions Wengong, Jinggong and Xiangong. The silk book unearthed in Changsha Dangku, Hunan mentioned "Zhu Rong"; the Baoshan Chu Bamboo Slips mentioned "Lao Tong" and "Zhu Rong". However, none of the aforementioned documents mentions the earlier Chu ancestors. Therefore, these countries of border descent during the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period were "descendants of the Yellow Emperor", and still lacked verifiable local memories. For related references, see Li Xueqin, "On the Names of the Ancestors of Chu in the Bamboo Slips of Baoshan", "Cultural Relics" 1988.8: 87-88; "Tan Zhu Rong's Eight Surnames", "Jianghan Forum" 1980.2: 74-77.
[38] Wang Mingke,"China Edge: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity", pp. 279-284.
[39] Wang Mingke, "Remaining Essence and Anomaly of Social Memory in Historical Documents: An Archeological Metaphor", "Historical Materials and Historiography since the Republic of China", Taipei: National History Museum, 1998, pp. 21-23; Wang Mingke, "Historical Facts, Historical Memory and Historical Mind", "Historical Research" 5 (2001): 136-147.
[40] "Ben Ji of the King of Shu".
[41] "Historical Records" 13, three generations table, cited "Pu Ji".
[42] "World Edition" 7, under the surname.
[43] The above data can be found in "Benji of Shu Wang"; "Benji of Shu"; "Huayang Kingdom" 3, Shu Zhi.
[44] "Three Kingdoms" 38/8, Shu Shu, Biography of Qin Mi.
[45] The "Huayang" in the title of "Huayang Guozhi" is obviously quoted from the records of "Yugong" and "Huayang Black Water but Liangzhou". In the book "Shu Zhi", it is also called "Five Sacred Mountains, Huashan expresses its sun"; therefore, there is no doubt that the literal interpretation of "Huayang" should be "Huashan Yang". However, the use of "Sun of Huashan" to express the local spatial position also shows the position of the author's local identity in China as a whole. The author uses "Huayang Country" as the general name of the local area, and after he describes the Yellow Emperor, he sealed his "subsidiary" in the local area, and one of the Emperor's brothers was sealed to the border "assisted" Huayang, the land of Bashu, both of which lived in Shu. The meaning of the edge of China. The relationship between the concept of space and identity has been discussed in history and anthropology in recent years; related works such as Thongchai Winichakul, SiamMapped: AHistory of the Geo-Bodyofa Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994).
[46] "Huayang Guozhi" 3. Shu Zhi.
[47] "Huayang Kingdom" 1, Ba County.
[48] Wang Mingke, "Historical Facts, Historical Memory and Historical Mind", Historical Research 5 (2001): 136-147.
[49] "The Fringe of China: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity" (Taipei: Yunchen Culture Company,1997), pages 279-284.
[50]PatriciaEbrey, "SurnamesandHanChineseIdentity," inMelissaJ.Browned.NegotiatingEthnicitiesinChinaandTaiwan(Seattle:University ofWashingtonPress,1996), pp.11-36.
[51] "Historical Records" 110/50.
[52] "Book of Jin" 108/8, Murong puppet.
[53] "Book of Jin" 124/24, Murong Yun.
[54] "Book of Jin" 130/30, Helianbobo.
[55] "Book of Jin" 116/16, Yao Zhongyi.
[56] Ma Changshou, "The Guanzhong Tribe from the Pre-Qin to the Early Sui Dynasty Seen in the Inscription" (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985), p. 82.
[57] Wu Shijian, "Jin Shuqin Note" 116/16, cited in "Yuanhe Surname Compilation".
[58] "Book of Wei" 1, preface.
[59] "Shan Hai Jing" 16, Great Wild West Classic.
[60] "Southern Qishu" 57/38; "Songshu" 95/55.
[61] "Xintangshu" 75th/15th, descent table of prime ministers.
[62] "Sui Shu" 32/27, Ching Ji Zhi.
[63] "Book of the Later Han" 87/77, Biography of Xiqiang.
[64] "Book of the Week" 1/1, Emperor Ji.
[65] Patricia Ebrey believes that during the Song and Yuan Dynasties, Chinese historians no longer added these ethnic histories to the Khitan, Jurchen, Mongolian and other ethnic groups; this is not entirely correct. As stated in this section, the Qidan once clung to the Yellow Emperor. Chinese and Mongolian scholars in the Mongol and Yuan dynasties believed that the Qidan came from the Yan Emperor; the Jinren rejected the ethnic memory of the Yellow Emperor provided by the Han scholars.
[66] "Liao History" 63/1, World Table.
[67] Same as before.
[68] "Golden History" 108/45, Zhang Xingxin.
[69] This article cannot be discussed, because it involves some investigations and studies that I cannot currently carry out. 1. Literal memory problem: It may be that Manmeng’s literal memory makes them reluctant to cling to the Han ancestors; I currently have no ability to study Manchurian literal memory. Second, in the “marginal ethnic groups” between the Mongolians and Manchus in modern or modern times, it is not that there are examples of Han ancestors or gods. "Descendants"; another example is the narration and mixing of Guan Gong and Gesar ("Tibetan" epic heroes) circulating in southern Inner Mongolia. This also requires some research on modern Han, Tibetan, Mongolian, and Manchu folklore literature, as well as field surveys of ethnography in related areas. Therefore, it is difficult to deal with this problem in this article.
[70] Liu Huan, "Try to talk about'duosheng','baisheng' and'marriage'", "Shaanxi History Museum Journal" Second Series (1995): 136-138.
[71]Ming-keWang,"WesternZhouRememberingandForgetting."JournalofEastAsianArchaeology(Leiden).InauguralIssuevol.1,1-4(1999):231-250.
[72] "Xijia Disk" (3rd generation 17.20.1), "Uncle Yi Gui" (three generations 8.39.2), "Shan Ding" (three generations 4.36.2).
[73] For example, in "Historical Records", "the people are happy to use, and the princes are prosperous" are called beautiful and good governance: see the book, 27/87, Li Si's biography. Another example is the "Guoyu" record, "The past is the fate of the people, and the people think that the people are the people"; see the book, 7, Jinyu No.1. The same book also says, "The princes caress them for righteousness, and the people welcome them, and the country can be solid." See the book, 8, Jin dialect 2. In the past, many scholars often believed that the people in the pre-Qin period seemed to enjoy "democracy" more than the people in the subsequent dynasties; this view ignored the considerable difference between the people in the pre-Qin and later generations.
[74] Regarding the status of "nationals", please refer to Du Zhengsheng, "City of Zhou Dynasty", Taipei: Lianjing Publishing Company, 1979.
[75] Archaeological Excavation Team of the Qin Warrior Pit of the First Emperor's Mausoleum, "The Tomb of Qin Criminals in Zhaobeihu Village, West of the Mausoleum of Qin Shihuang", "Cultural Relics" 3 (1982): 1-11; Zhang Zhenghong, "Archaeology of Qin and Han Criminals Data", "Journal of Peking University" (1958).
[76] Here I must give a definition of "ethnic group" in this article. In Chinese history and anthropology, the term "ethnic group" is currently widely used as the translation of English ethnicgroup. Ethnicgroup in European and American social science terms has the meaning of a secondary group in a large social group; for example, Chinese Americans are an ethnicgroup, but Han or Tibetans are not called ethnicgroups. "Ethnic group" in this article, or in some of my other works in recent years, generally refers to all kinds of groups in the society of people that are grouped by retrospective blood or pseudo-blood relations. In this way, it is convenient to explore the phenomenon of family, clan, clan, ethnicgroup, and even ethnic groups, and their relationship with social and historical memory. Therefore, in this article, "ethnic group" does not mean ethnicgroup in the narrow sense.
[77] "New Tang Book" 125/50, Zhang said.
[78] "Tong Zhi" 25, clan abbreviated.
[79] "Foundation History-The Story of the Brothers of the Qiang Nationality", "Time, History and Memory", edited by Huang Yinggui, Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1999, pp. 283-341.
[80] Therefore, I think that PatriciaEbrey regards "surname" as an indicator of the ethnic boundary between Han and non-Han, or that the ethnicity of the Han nationality is expressed on the "surname", which is quite a wonderful view; this view deserves to be repeated Explore in depth. I think the "surname" itself is just a symbol, and the memory of the "family history" behind it is a metaphor for its ethnic identity. In this regard, many Chinese rural people who only take oral "brother story" as their family origin memory are quite different from the family groups with literal genealogy memories. The identity metaphors of these two groups with "surnames" are quite different.
[81] "Mandarin" 10, Jin dialect.
[82] In this document, the Yellow Emperor had many sons who did not receive a surname. Charles LeBlanc once made a vivid analogy: it is like an empty slot,It can be borrowed by families other than Zhou people and even non-Chinese tribes at any time. See Charles LeBlanc, "Are-examination of the Myth of Huang-ti," Journal of Chinese Religions 13/14 (1985-86): 54.
[83] "Road History".
[84] "Sui Shu" 33/28, Ching Ji Zhi.
[85] Ouyang Zongshu, "Chinese National Genealogy", Beijing: Xinhua Publishing House, 1992, pp. 74-79.
[86] "Xin Tang Shu" 75/15, the descent table of prime ministers. The following information is for this, no additional note.
[87] Luo Xianglin, "A Study of Chinese Genealogy" (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Chinese Society, 1971), p. 29; Ouyang Zongshu, "Chinese National Genealogy", pp. 79-81.
[88] Ouyang Zongshu, "Chinese National Genealogy", p.84.
[89] Luo Xianglin, "Research on Chinese Genealogy", p. 62.
[90] Gu Yanwu "Rizhilu" 24, book of surnames.
[91] Ming‧Ling Dizhi, from the preface of "The Genealogy of Wan Xing".
[92] The preface explained that "one copy of ten thousand sects, one source of ten thousand factions" said: "The testament to the world, the five emperors and three kings, are nothing but the Yellow Emperor."
[93] Wang Fuzhi, "The Yellow Book" 7. Clutch. The original text reads: "When the husband descends on three or five, the surname is given to the family, and the family is crowned, or the shaoling barbarian is declining, moving to the shogunate, Nantun Beixu, catching special vulgar people, their surnames are always numbered. You are also.... It’s languishing, and you can’t remember, but there are brothers fighting each other in the wilderness, and the nephew’s beasts are terrible, bloody, and banned. This is not a painful thing, but the world is deep. Mourning."
[94] "Historical Records" Feng Chan Book. In early Chinese literature, this legend is also found in books such as "Zhuangzi", "Sanfu Huangtu", "Shuijing Zhu", "Yunji Seven Signs" and other books.
[95]Pierre Bourdieu,Distinction:ASocialCritiqueoftheJudgementofTaste.TransbyRichardNice(London:Routledge&KeganPaul,1979).
[96] René Girard called "Imitation Desire",It refers to the imitation of one party to the other due to the pursuit of better "being" between close and hostile individuals or groups. See, René Girard, Violence and the Sacred. Translated by Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), pp. 143-68. In the example of this article, the superior "existence" is an identity, an identity defined by superior blood ties.
[97] Wang Mingke, "Wandering between Han and Non-Han: A Historical Anthropological Study of the Qiang People in Beichuan", He Cuiping and Jiang Bin, edited by He Cuiping and Jiang Bin, "State, Market, and Contextualized Ethnic Groups", The 3rd International Conference on Sinology Proceedings of the Academic Group, Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 2002.
[98] Daoguang "Maozhou Chronicles".
[99] Zhu Shide, "The Tusi of the Watt Temple of Loyalty for Generations" (Wenchuan: Sichuan Watt Temple Propaganda and Consolation Office).
[100] Li Guangming, Wang Yuanhui, "Kangzzi, Wenchuan Native People, Wenchuan Qiang People" Chuankang Folklore Investigation Report III (Taipei: Institute of History and Language, Academia Sinica; unpublished manuscript).
[101] "The Family Instructions of Yan Family" 1/2, teaches the son.
[102] Jiang Youzhi, "Chinese Ethnography", Shanghai: Huatong Publishing House; Liu Shipei, "Chinese Ethnography", 1905; Taipei: Chinese Ethnography Society, 1962.
[103] Wang Mingke, "Wandering Between Han and Non-Han: A Historical Anthropological Study of the Qiang People in Beichuan", edited by He Cuiping and Jiang Bin, "State, Market, and Contextualized Ethnic Groups".
[104] "Tong Dian" 187, border defense.
[105] "Tong Zhi" 25, clan abbreviated.
[106] Sun Qiuyun, "Community History and Township and Village Governance", Beijing: Nationalities Publishing House, p.133.
[107] "Tian's New Genealogy", 1995. The original is in the Ethnic Affairs Committee of Laifeng County, Hubei Province.
[108] Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, Guizhou, Guangxi, Guangdong, Yunnan and Manchu family history editing group,"The History of the Transmutation of Manchus in the South", Mayang County, Hunan, 1998, pp. 6-7.
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