Liu Jianzhi, Xue Cui
On January 1, 1994, the Mexico Zapata National Liberation Movement (EZLN) fired the first shot to counter neoliberalism, and now it is entering its 28th year. The author of this article wrote four articles for The Paper in 2021 to commemorate its struggle experience in rooting in the construction of the Conch Autonomous Region, the important role of women's participation, and the significance of the long history of the struggle of the native Latin American people. From June to July 2021, several young Zapata people traveled across the ocean to Europe by boat, declaring that the arrival of Native Americans who were once invaded and colonized by Europe not only symbolizes the endless culture of the struggle of the native people, but also condemns the barbaric European capitalist road for holding mankind to perish. Maya The young man fearlessly inherited the spirit of tenacious struggle of his ancestors. The source of it is not only focused on the shocking uprising of the world in 1994, but also on a hero named Subcomandante Marcos, who is known as the second in Cheguevara. To understand Zapata, we need to visit the 500-year history of the indigenous people in Mexico , especially in the 1960s and 1980s, the historical context of resisting colonialism, capitalism and developmentism in desperate situations, and sorting out the complex relationship between the three forces of the indigenous people who seek autonomy, the priests who practice liberation theology, and the armed guerrillas who resist violence.
From June 15 to July 19, 2021, the Global University Hall held the 8th South South Forum: "The Politics of Hope: Self-rescue and Creating the Future in Adversity", the seminar on June 29 was entitled "Mexico: Mobilization Trajectory of Chiapas Aboriginal Community in the 1960s and 1970s". Starting from January 20, 2022, the Global University Hall will hold the 2022 South-South Lecture Hall (Series 1) "Walking with Maya : Aboriginal Universities in Chiapas, Mexico", with the speakers being Javier Vargas and Kathryn Seib Vargas from Mexico. Inspired by the liberation theology, Bishop Ruiz, a priest who helped support the struggle of the Aboriginal people, Hewell and Catherine went deep into the Lacanton jungle from 1961 and 1970 respectively to actively participate in the construction of the Mayan Aboriginal community. The local area is divided into four major communities by language: Zertal, Zozir, Toholabar and Joel, and their work is mainly concentrated in Zertal community. They learned humbly from the Mayan indigenous people how to deal with adversity and nurture hope. One of the milestones to walk side by side was the first Aboriginal Congress held in 1974, which declared to the world that it insisted on the path of alternative sustainable development.
This series of lectures was 7 times in total, divided into 13 parts according to the Mayan view of the universe, named "13 Months of Awakening of Consciousness" (1. Hidden consciousness of cosmic connections, 2. Cultural consciousness of the community - customs and practices, 3. Consciousness to divine consciousness and obedience to community tasks, 4. Consciousness to integrate new abilities and skills, 5. Identity consciousness of the Aboriginal people in the face of dominant culture, 6. Awareness of the common interests is the practice of the community, 7. Awareness to serve and improve the right to speak in the community, 8. Awareness of the historical contributions, speech and dignity of the Aboriginal people, 9. Collective consciousness of the rights/human rights of the Aboriginal people, 10. Awareness of the unity of the Aboriginal people, 11. Consciousness as a clear goal, organized community, 12. Continuing and contributing Cosmic consciousness , 13. Consciousness and practice required to face today's challenges). [See the poster at the end of the article when the lecture time and registration QR code]
Herveer and Catherine will tell their personal trajectories, emotions, reflections, supplemented by photos, images and singing, leading everyone into the time tunnel and relive the jungle years that worked hard with the Mayan indigenous people. This valuable historical experience has been carried forward and laid a solid foundation for the Zapata National Liberation Movement, which fought back the first shot of neoliberalism in 1994. At the same time, it confirms that the 500-year liberation movement of the Latin American natives is still continuing today.
Suffering Chiapas and the self-organized tradition of the indigenous peoples
Chiapas, one of Mexico's poorest states, is not only Mexico, but also the priceless treasure of the world. Chiapas has the richest and cleanest water resources in Mexico. In 1960, Chiapas' population accounted for 3% of the country and generated 5% of the country's electricity. By 1980, the state had 50% of the national hydropower capacity, equaling 20% of the country's electricity from various sources.Chiapas is sleeping in various rare minerals and has abundant oil reserves. At the same time, the extremely rich biological population here has long been "collected" (i.e. theft) by many European and American "experts" known as biologists and anthropologists. Dozens of ancient Indian herbs have been registered and monopolized in the US market. For thousands of years, the oldest beverage of Indian , corn drink, has also become a patented product in the US market. If the colonial plundering that year once drove countless Indian indigenous people from flat and rich plateaus to deep mountains and dense forests, then today, the deep jungle valley they barely entered has once again become a field of neocolonial resource warfare and biological warfare.
The economic and strategic significance of Chiapas is far more than that. As a geographical wonder, the "road" between the Isthmus of Twantepec and the flat "road" between the mountains and ridges passes through the heavy mountain jungle of Chiapas. For 200 years, this has always been the most convenient channel coveted by the North American world and connecting the Pacific Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean. With the insufficient capacity of the Panama Canal, , opening up the Isthmus of Twantepec, and developing the last habitat of the indigenous people into a number of large processing bases composed of cheap labor, it has become a more urgent need for the United States. With the cooperation of the Mexican government, which began to pursue neoliberalism in the 1980s, it has been vigorously promoted.
In order to develop various raw material projects, the Mexican government spared no expense in building a large scale. In 1970, all roads in Chiapas had a total length of about 3,000 kilometers; by 1975, the figures doubled. In 1973, the road budget for the plateau area alone was equal to the expense of all the food needed by the approximately 300,000 families living there. Infrastructure projects are implemented one after another, and landlords have expanded the raw material trading market and seized more land from the indigenous people to expand production. On the other hand, many indigenous people gave up land and farming in the expansion of development policies and turned to mining and construction workers, and their livelihoods were deeply affected by the fluctuations in the international market. In August 1982, the Mexican government announced a statement shocking the financial community: "The country cannot fulfill its debt repayment obligations on time." This was the beginning of the debt problem of developing countries in the 1980s. Since then, Mexico has suddenly fallen into debt difficulties.
Aboriginal coolie of Chiapas.
Chapas State is basically composed of large pastures, coffee plantations, and small plots of family land. The land allocation is unequal and the land reform has not been truly implemented. The indigenous people are very poor, and the area where they live is short of arable land - the soil of forest-covered lowlands is barren, and the plateau areas are prone to soil erosion. For more than 0 years, leaders of indigenous communities have spoken out to resist but were brutally murdered. In 1974, the first Aboriginal Congress was held in San Cristóbal de las Casas, with participants from multiple ethnic groups, including 1,230 delegates including 587 Tzeltales, 330 Tzotziles, 152 Tojolabales and 151 Choles, representing 327 communities and about 300,000 Mayan Aboriginals. This conference is a milestone in the unity and stubborn resistance of the Indigenous people. The year before the meeting, all the community participated in the discussion and trained interpretation between different dialects, and did not rely on the colonists' language Spanish as the only communication medium.
1974, the First Aboriginal Congress
1970s, when the combat effectiveness of the indigenous peoples increased, the Mexican government's policies changed from top-down indigenism to "participatory indigenism", and worked hard to incorporate indigenism leaders and organizations. While this effort has been successful in some cases, in other cases, such as the National Council of Indian Peoples (CNPI), the government-founded National Council of Indian Peoples (CNPI), the “official” organization split, resulting in the branches of autonomous countries that still exist and are active in the autonomous movement.
In the late 1980s, Mexico was the first to ratify the "International Labor Organization Convention No. 169" in Latin America, taking the lead in recognizing the rights of indigenous peoples and providing better political development opportunities for indigenous organizations.In 1990, Mexico amended Article 4 of the Constitution, recognizing Mexico as a multicultural country and granting cultural rights to the indigenous people. However, the Mexican government hurriedly conducted several "consultations" with indigenous leaders, but excluded most organizations and communities. This strategy led to the Regional Autonomy Conference protesting against the absence of aboriginal people in the implementation of Article 4 of the Constitution and lack of a platform for discussing autonomy nationwide. On September 6, 1993, in Oaxaca, a national civil society called The Poor Construct Their Own Social Policy formed, and indigenous representatives from Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas and Hidalgo gathered together to criticize the government's plan to implement Article 4 of the Constitution. Similar meetings are also held throughout Mexico. Many indigenous organizations participated in the 1992 protest against 500 years of colonialism. Therefore, there was an important precedent for indigenous autonomous organizations as early as before the Zapata Uprising in 1994.
As Bishop Samuel Ruiz García said, from the outset, the Zapata people raised the relationship between state power and local autonomy: "Those who think they can separate the problem of Chiapas from the national context as a solution to this problem do not understand anything. This is a question that rises to the national level, because the Aboriginal people are not only in Chiapas. Their situation is the same everywhere, and all have always recognized the cause of Zapata, even if they do not agree with its means."
The San Andres Accords reached by the government and the Zapata National Liberation Movement in 1996, demanding that the state recognize the concept of collective rights of Aboriginal people under the state, is a result of a consistent struggle.
500 years of struggle history
In the committee, we debated throughout the afternoon.
We look for the word SURRENDER (Surrender) in the word, but we didn't find it.
does not have this word in Zozier and Zertal languages.
No one remembers the word exists in Toholabal or Joel languages.
—— Deputy Commander Marcos ""Surrender" does not exist in real words"
Mayan "remnants" have been tenaciously resisting colonists for a long time. The war to conquer Chiapas began in 1524, but the Mayans fought to the death for four years until 1528 when they were suppressed by troops led by Diego de Mazariegos.
There were many rebellions during the Colonial period of Chiapas. Historians emphasized the "The Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712" and even called it the "Republic of Cancuc" or the "Tzeltal Republic". The hostile relations between the indigenous people and the colonists entered a new round of crisis in 1711. The protests of the indigenous peoples misappropriated the image of the Catholic Virgin. In the Zozir community in Santa María, it is said that the "Holy Virgin with Indigenous Characters" appears to two Zozir villagers through wood carvings. This incident caused a stir in the neighboring community. Inquisition quickly confiscated the wood carving.
In addition, the government's harsh tax system , and the huge commissions collected by the bishop, exacerbated social dissatisfaction and led to thousands of Indians rebelling against the New Spanish authorities. At this time, the figure of the Virgin Mary appeared again, and this time a villager in the Kancook community saw the Virgin Mary's appearance. This was interpreted by the rebels as new information. In order to protect this "medium of communication with the Virgin", the rebel army formed the "Saint Corps" and brought together 32 Zertal, Zozier and Joel communities, with 3,000 militias in the team. The Saints recruited supporters through semi-secret religious activities, thus allowing the indigenous people to stick to their own organizational structure and maintain their relative independence from the royal family.
Indigenous people participate in church activities.
Later, under the sow discord of Spaniards, the conflict between ethnic groups, the incorporation of leaders, and the cruel blow of the new Spanish army ended the "Kancook Republic".In 1727, the Spanish arrested the perpetrators of the uprising and their children, "not letting the seeds of rebellion go unpunished." In order to keep the mark of failure in the memory of the insurrectionists, the colonists revenge on the Spanish were killed and cut off one ear of all the insurrectionists' "complices".
Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the resistance of the Mayan indigenous peoples was sometimes open and sometimes hidden, but always existed. The natives of the region, like the natives of the entire American continent, have experienced a catastrophe and most of the population has been exterminated, making it the largest genocide in human history. However, whether through joining the Independence Army or through joining the Southern PLA under Zapata during the Revolution, the indigenous peoples of Chiapas remained actively involved in the founding of Mexico.
The indigenous peoples of Latin America, especially the indigenous people of Chiapas, did not lose their identity during the long-term colonial war. Social purges and genocide policies have strengthened the social cohesion and collective consciousness of the indigenous people. It is worth mentioning that the wars of conquest, colonialism and neocolonialism are generally failures at the cultural and ideological levels, and they cannot impose Western rationality as the only way of thinking, or Catholicism as the only way of spiritual expression on the aborigines. In the late 20th century, resistance reappeared in the Zapata national liberation movement. As Mexican sociologist González Casanova described, "The Mayans stood out among the many ethnic groups that resisted the conquest of Spain. In Yucatan and Guatemala , they were not conquered until 1703 and soon revolted again." In Chiapas, they launched a large-scale uprising in 1712. The Book of Chilam Balam mentioned in the Mayan document "The Book of Chilam Balam", "The Mayans' appeals are secret, angry, and violent, but there is no beg of mercy."
History witnessed the Mayans' revolt again on January 1, 1994.
Bishop on the donkey
Indigenous people's demands are increasingly gaining the sympathy and support of non-indigenous peoples in Mexico. In response to the government's amnesty proposal, Deputy Commander Marcos asked: "Why should we ask for pardon?"
Nobel Prize in Literature winner and Mexican writer Octavio Pas (Octavio Paz was impressed by Marcos' eloquence: "It really touched me - it was not the Indians of Mexico, but the ones we should be the ones who should be pardoned. I will not turn a blind eye to the responsibilities that our authorities, especially those in Chiapas, would not turn a blind eye to the selfish and narrow comforts of this wealthy province. This responsibility also extends to the entire Mexican society. Almost everyone is more or less responsible for the injustice of the Mexican Indians, because we indulge the blackmail and abuse of manors, ranchers, local traditional forces (Caciques) and corrupt politicians with passive or indifferent attitude." The righteous people faced the cruel reality and turned to vivid examples of supporting the struggle of the natives, which was not Bishop Ruiz (1924-2011). From 1959 to 1999, Ruiz served as bishop of the Diocese of San Cristobal de Las Casas, Chiapas. In the 1960s, liberation theology swept across Latin America, Ruiz's parish actively helped the indigenous communities. Ruiz once served as a mediator in the conflict between the Zapata National Liberation Movement and the Revolutionary Institution Party (PRI), which is eye-catching.
Ruiz was born in a white lower class society, his mother was a maid and his father was an agricultural worker. In 1952, after receiving his PhD in philosophy and theology from Gregorian University, Ruiz returned to Guanajuato, Mexico to teach at Leon Theological Seminary. In 1960, Ruiz was consecrated as the bishop of the Diocese of San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, until his retirement in 2000.
In his early years as bishop, Ruiz agreed with traditional views on church and evangelism. Ruiz's first pastoral letter warned of the dangers of communism's development in Mexico. At that time, the early evangelization methods in the diocese were mainly top-down, focusing on the Western methods of social change.Admirers often convey and accept the information of reality to the indigenous community rather than raise awareness of changing reality, which is consistent with the government policies at that time, and often require the indigenous people to obey in the name of "development" and "civilization".
Shortly after arriving in San Cristobal, Ruiz rode a donkey to patrol his parish, visiting every town and village. On the way, he was shocked by the real situation of the parish. In 1993, his pastoral letter reflected this self-reflective experience: "We only use our own ethnic-centric standards to judge local customs. Unconsciously, we stand on the side of oppressing the natives." Ruiz began to slowly identify and challenge the structure of oppression, questioning the structure of government and military, and the figures in the church who support these institutions. He encouraged the Aboriginal community to take control of their lives, publicly saying that the poor in Chiapas are victims of structural oppression and institutionalized violence. Ruiz devotes all his strength to support the construction of the Mayan indigenous community.
Bishop Ruiz and Mayan Aboriginals
The Second Vatican Conference was held in 1962-1965, focusing on the social responsibility of Christians and opening the church to theological development and dialogue. The meeting encouraged the translation of the preaching content into the local language and read it to the community, and encouraged the church to participate more in solving social problems. Ruiz was motivated to translate scriptures into various local dialects and put them into practice. From thought to language, Ruiz was influenced by indigenous civilization and learned four Mayan dialects.
In 1967, Bishop Ruiz became the chairman of the Council of the Aboriginal Peoples (CEPI) of Mexico. From 1968 to 1972, he was appointed Chairman of the Missionary Department of the Conference of the Bishops of Latin America (CELAM). The meeting held in Medellin, Colombia in 1968 formed a consensus that the root cause of poverty and oppression in Latin America is structural problems arising from the expansion and development ethics of American imperialism. Ruiz believes that the increasing attention of the bishops to the poor and disenfranchised people is consistent with the Marxist method of class analysis, which emphasizes that the huge conflict between "capital" and "labor" originates from "exploitation of workers by entrepreneurs following the principle of maximum profit." This liberation theology poses a threat to government institutions and those with political and economic power. Areas that implement these new ways of interpreting the Bible and encourage the poor to fight for their rights are labeled as Marxists and are often suppressed.
The Mexican government has suppressed Chiapas' protests for many years to create the necessary political and economic conditions to ensure its accession to NAFTA . It is not difficult to imagine that the government was very angry at the 1994 Zapata uprising and accused Ruiz of herders' philosophy and practice as one of the root causes of the Zapata uprising.
Ruiz was elected as the mediator of the negotiations. He explained: "It is obvious that the parish cannot be ignored. Our work is neither to look for the government on behalf of the Zapatas nor to look for the Zapatas, but to mediate the conflicts between the two sides and make the two sides trust each other in the negotiations." In negotiations with the government, the Zapata National Liberation Army not only demanded that the constitution recognize the autonomy of the indigenous peoples, but also demanded reforms that made them oppressed: the national system structure.
In February 1995, the Mexican government arrested 14 people believed to be related to the Zapata organization, 8 of which were handed over to the judicial authorities and seized important arsenals. When the Zapata National Liberation Army was under military siege by the Mexican government in the jungle of La Canton, Marcos sent the following message to the government forces: "See Hell." After several mediations, in 1996, the Zapata National Liberation Army and the federal government signed the San Andres Agreement, promising to give basic respect to the Chiapas natives, granting the right to participate in determining their development plans, control over administrative and judicial affairs, and autonomy. Unfortunately, the government has not fulfilled its promise. In 1998, Bishop Ruiz accused the government of its peace process as false and angrily resigned as a peace mediator, and the committee was dissolved. However, Ruiz continued to act as a protector and supporter of Chiapas, advocating for the human rights of the Aboriginal people until his death in 2011.
Bishop Ruiz (left) and Deputy Commander Marcos (right)
In 2000, Bishop Ruiz was awarded the Simon Bolivar International Prize by UNESCO for his work to protect the native Chiapas and his commitment to promoting human rights and social justice for the people of Latin America.
In 1997, Bishop Ruiz won the Martin Ennals Award Award), on the interview, said:
"I once visited a village and I was very impressed. I celebrated with the villagers there. After that, I walked outside with a admirer and he said to me, 'Dear Bishop, we know you are coming for a while'. I asked, 'How long has it been?' He said, 'Four months'. Who told them? 'That big landlord', 'He said you are coming and will live with him Together. He also asked us for a sum of money. We have paid for your accommodation here.’ For four months, each farmer has contributed 5 pesos per week, covering 14-15 villages. It was the most expensive cup of coffee I have ever had. And the last time. From that moment on, I realized that there was a connection between oppression of the farmers and the leaders of the church. I told the farmers that I would rather stay with them. This thing broke the church’s local villages The people's governing power. When the situation worsens, we cannot remain silent. Because no one dared to resist at that time. A tragic thing happened, a terrible thing. We have a tape from a while ago with some statements from wives. They cried and said how the landlords drove their husbands out of the land they got from the Ministry of Agriculture. They witnessed their husbands being burned to death. "
" In order to protest the bishop's behavior, there was a local Institutions are supported by local and federal authorities. People also come to burn churches and bishop houses. As churches, we understand the cry of ‘Fatiel’ and understand the violence concurrently caused by the Zapatas facing oppression. Although violence is not a solution, it is a very special situation. Violence comes from despair. "
Bishop Ruiz is called "Tatic", which means "father" in Mayan , and is highly respected by the Aboriginal people. In 1992, when he was attacked by conservative forces from the church, more than 15,000 natives ran down the mountain to hold a parade from Palenque to Mexico City (about 1,000 kilometers). This protest was called the Ant Parade (Xi Nich), the largest protest in Chiapas's history, and even more powerful than the protests against the 500th anniversary of the Spanish aggression in 1992.
Chapas Aboriginal Community
The wave of liberation theology in Latin America
Christian clergy like Bishop Ruiz who criticized mainstream churches appeared in the process of conquest wars and colonization, condemning the atrocities committed by the Spanish royal family against the atrocities committed by the Spanish royal family on the indigenous peoples. Far Bartolomé de las Casas is a typical example. Centuries later, during the War of Independence, the two priests played an important role: Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla and José María Morelos y Pavón. However, it was not until the second half of the 20th century that the role of the church and its accompanying social movements was deeply analyzed.
After World War II, in order to strengthen the Catholic Church, Pope John XXIII held the second Vatican Conference, which was held between 1962 and 1965. At that meeting, ancient differences within Catholicism emerged, especially between "anti-modernism" and "modernism". As part of this conference, Pope Paul VI—who succeeded John Paul XXIII after the death of John Paul XXIII—called for the Latin American Bishops to renew their vision and practices to make it more consistent with reality.
In response to this call, the second Latin American Bishops' Conference was held in August and September 1968 in Medellin, Colombia. The composition of this conference, the issues discussed and the conclusions drawn have had a global impact on the Catholic Church.Many views expressed during the Medellin conference advocate that the church should condemn the systemic oppression and exploitation of the poor by the Third World government. Participants agreed not only to condemn exploitation and oppression, but to act to help in any necessary ways, in an organized manner, so that the poor can successfully change their poverty state.
Chiapas Aboriginal Community Religious Activities. The results of the Medellin Conference encourage religious and non-religious individuals to study in depth the role of the church in Latin America and to study the characteristics of this continent, the obvious exploitative relationship of origination from the material production structure of colonialism and capitalism.
Argentine /Mexican philosopher Enrique Dussel points out that there were three generations of liberation theologians: the first one was theologians who criticized the Spanish royal family during the colonial era and stood on the side of the Indians, such as Fray Antonio de Montesinos, Fray Domingo de Vico and Fray Bartolomé de las Casas. The representatives of the second generation were José María Morelos y Pavón, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla and Fray Servando Teresa de Mier; they led the struggle to make Mexico a free and independent state. The third generation appeared in the second half of the 20th century and became clear after the Medellin Conference, such as Gustavo Gutiérrez ( Peru ), Leonardo Boff ( Brazil ), Camilo Torres (Colombia), Ernesto Cardenal ( Nicaragua ), Jean-Bertrand Aristide ( Haiti ), Fernando Lugo (Fernando Lugo) ( Paraguay ), Oscar Arnulfo Romero ( El Salvador ), Sergio Méndez Arc and Samuel Ruíz García (Mexico).
The starting point of liberation theology is a concrete analysis of reality and the historical process that brings this reality, but always at the theological level. German theologian Franz Hinkerlammert pointed out that liberation theology believes that poverty is a "negation of mutual recognition among subjects" and that a society with poor people is a society without God. "This absence of God exists where someone weeps. God's absence exists in the poor. The poor are the existence of God in the absence. God's existence—effective existence—is provided by non-existence.” For this reason, liberation theologians choose to help the poor, get them out of poverty, allow all subjects to be recognized, and build the kingdom of God on earth.
Orthodox forces in the Vatican and some places responded to this: a smearing campaign against the positions and work of liberation theologians, who were accused of being influenced by communism, having relationships with guerrillas, etc. According to this interpretation, the Vatican believes that liberation theologians are promoters of hatred and violence, so they are not worthy of being representatives of the Catholic Church.
In this way, a symbiotic relationship between Marxism and Catholicism appeared in Latin America. Liberation theologians are not interested in being part of the church hierarchy, and work more on social organizations, along with the poor and the proletariat . As debates go beyond the discourse and knowledge levels, in practice, movements composed of grassroots church groups (CEBs) have grown increasingly, and have even grown into political parties in Brazil and Nicaragua. Grassroots church groups in Mexico originate in the poorest rural and urban areas, amid socio-political and economic realities of exploitation, hunger, oppression and suffering. The main actors are indigenous peoples and farmers, workers, and unemployed people. They are committed to prioritizing the poor, accompanied by pastors and religious people, and are the seeds of hope for the Mexican church. Grassroots church groups and the Diocese of San Cristobal de Las Casas – headed by Bishop Ruiz – played an important role in the Aboriginal community.For example, they actively participated in the first Aboriginal Congress in 1974. The work of the parish strengthened the internal organizations of the Indigenous peoples and prompted them to network connections with similar organizations in the state, Mexico and the world.
In this process, the work of the diocese of Chiapas was subverted or influenced by the special cosmological view of the Aboriginal people, so that a "Indigenous Church" began to form, consisting of 2,608 communities, 400 predeceased deacons and 8,000 admirers, coordinated with the structure of the diocese, but also had a certain degree of autonomy. Bishop Ruiz's work in the Aboriginal community was an ideal prelude to the later political work of the neo-Zapattaists. Many of the Aboriginal people who were once predestined and admired by the "Indigenous Church" later chose to join the ranks of the Zapata National Liberation Movement.
January 1, 1994, behind the uprising of the Sapata National Liberation Movement, there is a network of complex political and cultural visions intertwined, highlighting the reality that a large part of the society is oppressed and exploited. This is not only a struggle for the rights of the Indigenous people; the Lacanton Jungle First Declaration mentioned that their struggle was much wider, "for the Mexican people."
Clasping the social reality of Chiapas in the 1960s and 1980s and the history of participation of all parties, you will see that the Zapata National Liberation Movement itself is a complex, a social process combining the broad social demands, struggle traditions and critical thoughts in Mexico and the world.
Chiapas Aboriginal women gathered.
Chapas guerrillas
In this complex process, it is interesting that the pacifist church actually complements the so-called "violent means".
On August 6, 1969, in Monterrey, Nov. 1969, the National Liberation Forces (FLN) was established. Leading the organization are brothers Cesar Germán and Fernando Muñoz Yáñez, Alfredo Zárate and Raúl Pérez Vázquez. The organization's strategy is to build its own strength in silence and not confront the national power head-on. In 1972, Cesar Germán Yáñez established a camp called "El Diamante" in Chiapas, where the "Emiliano Zapata Guerrilla Nucleus" (NGEZ) started. Five years after its founding, the National Liberation Force has networks in Tabasco, Puebla, Mexico, Chiapas, Veracruz and Nuevo León.
On February 14, 1974, the "National Liberation Force" was attacked by police and military in one of the main safe houses in San Miguel Nepantla, Mexico. Five guerrillas were killed and 16 were arrested. Meanwhile, in Ocosingo, Chiapas, the Diamond camp was attacked and several core members of the guerrillas were killed; some escaped, including Cesar Hermann Yanes.
From 1974 to 1983, the "National Liberation Force" entered the Lacanton jungle more frequently. Many students are recruited from universities where Marxism is prevalent, such as the Autonomous Metropolitan University and the Autonomous University of Chapingo, and many activities of the "National Liberation Force" are in Chiapas.
In November 1983, with the help of a politicized indigenous group with rich organizational experience, and with the support of new radicals from the university, the first camp of the Zapata National Liberation Army (EZLN) led by Deputy Commander Marcos and others was established, called The Tick. Deputy Commander Marcos explained that the three main components of the Zapata National Liberation Movement were: a political and military group, a group of politicized, very experienced Aboriginal people, and an Aboriginal movement from the jungle.The third part Marcos mentioned became an important part of the organization after 1983, during which time the Zapata National Liberation Movement began the second phase of “building one’s own strength in silence”; but this time it was mainly searching for warriors among young natives who had no politically armed experience in the region.
The first members of the Zapata National Liberation Movement who entered the La Canton jungle soon discovered that they lived in a very different and unusual reality from their ideas. In the first few years, not only did they not build trust with the Aboriginal people, but rather, "Sometimes they persecuted us because they said we were cattle stealing, or witches or bandits. Many people who are now comrades and even committee commanders chased us at that time because they thought we were bad people."
's contact with the Aboriginal community led to a complete self-change of the original group. Marcos tells the process of transformation: "We have really suffered from the process of re-education and changed our style again. It seems that they have disarmed us. It seems that they have disarmed all of us - Marxism, Leninism, socialism, urban culture, poetry, literature - everything that constitutes a part of us, and even disarming things that we don't know we have. They disarmed us and then armed us again, but in different ways. And this is the only way to survive."
The core of the guerrillas developed in Chiapas, but it was only when they were absorbing and adopting the different cosmic views and resistance traditions of the indigenous peoples, and then matured and became the Zapata National Liberation Movement.
Chapas Aboriginal Church School
Silence of the Indians
French philosopher Michel de Certeau wrote a short essay in 1976 titled "The politics of silence: the Long March of the Indians." In 1973, the Latin American Aboriginal Congress was held in Paraguay and Venezuela, with thousands of people attending. Despite hundreds of years of colonization and even genocide, they still support each other and forge each other. Keep warm around the fire, drink coffee to "deceive the feeling of hunger", sing and dance, "The moment of awakening is the moment when we want to write our own history." De Sert started from this conference and looked back on history, pointing out that capitalism separated the people from land and means of production and was driven into mines and manors, were the indigenous people of America; the colonists later used this model in their own countries and built the European proletariat. Compared with the horrifying political incidents of killing, persecution and rape, what continues to hurt the indigenous people is economic alienation, cultural domination, and social humiliation. This is the daily violence of ethnic extermination every day and every moment.
However, the indigenous people have "long memories", which may not be written and circulated, but are imprinted on their bodies, just like the body of the mother earth who was hurt and humiliated, building the will to rebirth in political difficulties and resistance. Silence, but not annihilation.
The most fundamental thing for indigenous peoples to maintain community autonomy is their relationship with the land. There is no personal private ownership common in Western capitalist society established by law, but community land and other "resources" are not hereditary, and even if they are allocated to people for use, they also have obligations and responsibilities. The miniature social and political bodies are woven into a network; their existence is based on tacit interaction in traditional life. Therefore, the composition of social models does not have a representative form of separation of leaders. That is to say, most of the indigenous communities are honeycomb models, not hierarchical and centralized power, so there is no need to oppose the centralized power structure. It can be said that this democratic and autonomous production and life model also has the characteristics of an agricultural community and an Indian community.
The social model of the indigenous people is often despised by those who regard themselves as "modern civilization" highlanders, as "pre-modern" and "backward and ignorant". However, when the so-called "developed countries" in Europe and the United States have experienced social, political, economic and cultural crises, and when capitalism shows its unsolvable polarization, financial monopoly and climate collapse, to give humanity and everything a glimmer of vitality, new possibilities must be found.Then, the experience of the aboriginal people being ravaged but not completely surrendering to the tyranny of capitalism derived from genocide and racism, transcending the greed and human-centered cosmic view that are endogenous to capitalism, provides important historical and realistic references. As Deputy Commander Marcos quoted, the word "surrender" does not exist in the dialects of native peoples such as Toholabar or Joel. They persevere in silence.
At the same time, the organization and struggle experience of the indigenous people should not be romanticized. On the one hand, the land on which it depends is deprived, and on the other hand, the assimilation of modern education and media culture has led to the disintegration of many indigenous communities. The Chiapas indigenous peoples have experienced 500 years of colonial harm, and the displacement of a century-old nation-state, especially the "modernization", "urbanization" and "industrialization" after World War II. Under this context, as the most trampled and marginalized community, they have been wandering around in order to survive and inherit. Their silent suffering and indomitable struggle made practitioners of liberation theology in the 1960s, combining theology and Marxism, subverting the revolutionary view of the guerrillas, combining Marxism and aboriginal cosmic view. . For a long time, land struggle has been the core struggle demand of the indigenous people. The struggle against the development of minerals and the defense of homes and land in the "economic development" has continued to this day. For the indigenous people, with land, there is an entity that has their own self-reliance and a spirit of community. Beginning in the 1960s, through the actions of practitioners of liberation theology, their appeals were seen by the world. The links that began in the 1960s, although with different opportunities from different communities, some traditional forces rely on the support of the ruling party (such as the Chamula community), and some unite liberating theology, Protestant schools and even guerrillas to strengthen their strength; however, in general, they walked out of the darkness of history—the Chiapas Aboriginal Congress in 1974 became a milestone, and the Zapata People's Liberation Army Uprising in 1994 made their revolutionary spirit and propositions ignited hope for global social movements. The cosmic view and historical experience of the indigenous people can be learned from it to reform the ideal society with deep crisis in capitalism and build a social and ecological justice. However, even though people who have been subtly influenced by modernity for a hundred years, even though they see the unsolved contradictions and crises of capitalism, which are leading all mankind to a cliff and falling into an abyss that will never be restored, can they change their prejudice against the "pre-modern" indigenous people suddenly look back and look at the dim lights?
Reference:
Bishop Samuel Ruiz Garcia, 1997 Laureate,
https://www.martinennalsaward.org/hrd/bishop-samuel-ruiz-garcia/
Jan Rus, "The Comunidad Revolucionaria Instituto: The Subversion of Native Government in Highland Chiapas, 1936-1968", from Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., 1994, Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico, Durham: Duke University Press, pp. 265-300.
Jonathan Fox, "The Roots of Chiapas", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 29, No. 19 (May 7, 1994), pp. 1119-1122.
Raúl Romero, "A brief history of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation", January 1, 2014, http://roarmag.org/2014/01/brief-history-ezln-uprising/
Michel de Certeau, "The Politics of Silence: The Long March of the Indians", Heterologies: Discourse on the Other, Manchester University Press, pp. 225-233.
"Who is Rebelling in Chiapas?", March 1994, https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/who-rebelling-chiapas
"Indigenous Rights and Self-Determination in Mexico", March 1999, https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/indigenous-rights-and-self-determination-mexico
Editor: Wu Qin
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