The 50th Anniversary of the Asama Mountain Villa Incident: A Re-examination of the Incident from the Perspective of Times and Gender Conflicts

bitter gin

Introduction

It has been fifty years since the incident of the Allied Red Army. Fifty years ago, on February 19, 1972, five members of the Japanese New Left faction United Red Army entered a corporate villa named "Asama Mountain Villa" in Karuizawa, Nagano Prefecture, in order to avoid the police's search, and used the villa as a defense. The fortress, taking the administrator's wife as a hostage, used the guns and pipe bombs it was carrying as weapons to launch a 9-day offensive and defensive battle with the police and the mobile team. The villa finally fell in the forcible entry of the attackers, and all five people were arrested. Attention to events has created a crowded situation in Japan. The live broadcast of the event by the TV media has maintained the highest viewing record in history. The incident marked the tragic end of the New Left Movement in Japan, and left an indelible mark in the postwar history of Japan and the collective memory of contemporaries.

However, Asama Villa received extraordinary attention, not only because of the spectacle of the event itself, but also partly because of the enthusiasm of the public that had not yet been burned out in the "political age" of the 1960s. Contrary to later impressions, most Japanese people did not see the incident as extreme atrocities by terrorists. On the contrary, when the incident occurred, there were a lot of voices in public opinion protesting the government's violent encirclement and suppression and supporting the resistance of the members of the United Nations. The results of public opinion surveys during the stalemate showed that most Japanese people regarded the five people who were guarding the villa as student activists and believed that they needed to be treated differently from ordinary criminals. Tokyo University , Kyoto University and other colleges and universities held large-scale rallies, students ran the streets and distributed leaflets, calling on the public to support the resistance and oppose the violent crackdown. In the face of tens of thousands of armed forces on the system side, the scene of five weak left-wing young students stubbornly resisted and vowed to fight to the last bullet, which aroused widespread empathy at that time. In the just past 1960s, the government's support for the US military in Vietnam, the forced demolition of facilities such as Narita Airport, the public nuisance pollution caused by official-backed chemical companies, etc.Arousing strong anti-system sentiment in society, even if the public does not directly participate in the opposition struggle, it is inevitable that they will have sympathy for these left-wing youths who embrace the ideal of social change and openly resist power. After the villa finally fell, the positive perception of the event increased instead of diminished. When they were arrested, the five people who were drenched in human form by the high-pressure water gun were carried out by a large number of policemen, but they still maintained a resisting posture with anger. This image is well known by the media. The wife of the manager who was taken hostage was properly treated during the incident and refused to give any adverse testimony during the trial of the case. This has led to greater trust in the integrity and sincerity of these student activists. However, a terrible fact revealed during the interrogation stage caused a 180-degree change in public opinion.

On February 28, 1972, with the aid of high-pressure water guns and large iron balls, the police force launched a general attack on the members of the United Red Army who were hiding in Asama Mountain Villa.

It was learned from the police investigation that since the end of last year, 29 members of the United Red Army, including five members, entered the Mount Haruna in Gunma Prefecture to build a mountain base and began to live together in order to receive the training required for armed resistance. During this period, however, a total of 12 members lost their lives after being brutalized by other comrades, including chronic abuse, freezing to death from being tied outdoors, and stabbing with a knife, ice ax , or rope strangulation. This series of intra-group violent incidents was later called the "Shanyue Base Incident", and together with the Asama Mountain Villa Incident, it was collectively referred to as the "United Red Army Incident". Under its extremely bad negative influence, the surging energy of the political movement since the security movement in 1960 quickly turned into a cold place. The Allied Red Army incident completely changed the color of the word "left wing" in Japanese, and ordinary people began to talk about "left" color changes since then. Many former left-wing youths gradually let go of their ideals of change and began to indulge in the intoxication of the consumer society and the bubble economy era. To this day, as long as there is social participation of young students like SEALDs [1], various conservatives will appear from all directions, claiming that they will soon repeat the atrocities of the United Red Army. However, looking back at the formation process of the collective memory of the event, we will find that it was not the offensive and defensive battle of Asama Villa that completely changed people's attitudes towards the left-wing movement, but the hellscape in the mountain base that gradually spread out.

The reason why this incident has caused collective trauma to an entire generation is, of course, first and foremost because it has deeply hurt people's good feelings, and felt that the previous slogans were all in vain. Events seem to relentlessly reveal the truth: no matter how noble and sincere an idea may be, it cannot be worth the terrible consequences of its extreme intensification. If postmodern means the self-disintegration of the grand narrative, then the presentation process of the "from dream to collapse" of the United Red Army incident can be said to be an embodiment of postmodern thought. Sosuke Mitian, a sociologist, took the changes in the public concept of things that were opposed to "reality" as a standard, and divided Japan into the "ideal era" (1945-1960), the "dream era" (1960-1973) and the "ideal era" (1960-1973). The Fictional Age" (1973-) three stages. After the security struggle in 1960, the moderate ideal of civic participation in the early postwar period was replaced by a dream of radical change that gradually became a niche, and the harsh reality of the Allied Red Army incident undoubtedly announced the awakening time, and put the cynic public from action. The realm is driven into the endlessly differentiated game of signifiers.

At the same time, however, the lingering effects of events are also due to the fact that they are still shrouded in layers of fog. At first glance, this is very strange: in the public trial of of the members, the public prosecutor disclosed the findings of the incident in detail to the public, and the main members of Yoko Nagata, Sakaguchi Hiroshi, Ueohei Yasuhiro were also published I have written my own version of the review, and the level of detail of the information is rare in past events of various secret organizations. So far, however, researchers have not reached a consensus on the cause of the tragedy, nor have they been able to explain why such appalling abuses and killings occur among people who are generally graduates of higher education and should have a revolutionary camaraderie. This cognitive and psychological estrangement creates fear of the unknown, and fear further hinders recovery from trauma. Half a century later, the specter of the Allied Red Army still haunts Japanese society, and it continues to be a hindrance to all kinds of social change drivers.

Nonetheless, past research surrounding the event does reveal some clues to help us somewhat clear the cloud and grasp a series of shadows that push the story to the worst possible ending. Through the obscure revolutionary language of the members of the United Red Army, the conflict in the mountain base took on a different face—a dispute of identity between men and women who were supposed to be united and hated.And this situation is by no means an old event, but has been repeated until today after a makeover. This article will try to introduce some of the existing research on the event, in order to promote the reflection on the event in a link between the past and the future. This article will try to introduce some of the existing research on the event, in order to promote the reflection on the event in a link between the past and the future.

I. The Omnibus campaign and its mob

For further analysis, it is first necessary to do some brief review of the basic facts. The United Red Army was formed in 1971, by the "Red Army faction" and the Jingbang Security Co-fighting Revolutionary Left (referred to as "Left Left"). Among the many new left-wing factions at that time, the two factions both belonged to the ranks of the most radical factions that adopted the line of armed struggle, although the "Red Army faction" who pursued " world revolution" and the "Revolutionary Left faction" who advocated "anti-American patriotism" The goals of the struggle are different. Before the merger, around 1970, the two factions each organized a series of attention-grabbing struggles. The members of the "Leftist" first dived into Haneda Airport from the sea and threw Molotov cocktails to prevent the foreign minister from visiting the United States, and then attacked police stations and gun stores to snatch the necessary firearms and ammunition for the armed struggle; while the "Red Army" In order to raise funds, many robberies were carried out on banks and post offices. All of these prompted the police to intensify the blanket search for members of the faction, resulting in the arrest and imprisonment of many members, including the leaders of the two factions, Takaya Shiomi and Hao Kawashima. After that, the two factions merged under the leadership of the successor leaders, Morihiro of the "Red Army faction" and Nagata Yoko and Sakaguchi Hiroshi of the "Left Leftists" to form the United Red Army. While retaining legal departments, the core members of the United Red Army began to infiltrate underground since December 1971, built a latent base in the no-man's land of Mount Haruna, Nagano Prefecture, and organized joint military training with the goal of the upcoming armed struggle. However, in the following month and a half, 12 members were killed in a row.

The persecution of the members is carried out in the activities of the organization known as the "Omnibus". "Summary" is a common term used in the Japanese New Left Movement, and the meaning of the word is roughly equivalent to "summary" or "review".The "summary" is usually held after some collective operations, and the content generally includes self-criticism and mutual criticism of members, so as to reflect on the success or failure of the operation and look forward to the next step. And in the mountain base, the top leader of the United Red Army, Mori Hengfu, gave the "Umbrella" the word "enable members to overcome their own weaknesses to achieve "きょうさんしゅぎか" to transform into soldiers who can participate in armed struggle as soon as possible." Brand new meaning. To this end, once a member is asked to "overall", other members are obliged to assist him in self-transformation, which includes beatings and humiliation. In Mori's words, this is to make people "get rid of petty-bourgeois habits by taking blows, and then awaken to become warriors". Members are asked to confess their shortcomings or problems in their past actions. In order to overcome these problems, other members will punch them, and finally they will be tied up in the cold outdoor to reflect. Most of the members who were asked to "overall" were killed under the double blow of violence and severe cold. Some members who were judged to be horrific and hopeless were "executed" with ropes, knives or ice axes.

(In the 1971 documentary "Red Army-PLO: A Declaration of World War" by Koji Wakamatsu, PFLP (People's Front for the Liberation of Palestine, referred to as "PFLP") member Leila Khaled talks about herself as a member of the proletariat Thinking about participating in the battle.)

There is no doubt that what led to the "Umbrella" was not some kind of personal feud between its leaders, Morihiro Mori and Yoko Nagata, but a logic that helped the members to grow and change rapidly. On the other hand, quickly saying goodbye to the weak self and becoming a true warrior is also in line with the expectations of the radical members who are determined to go up the mountain. Therefore, whether it is the target of the "all-in-one" request, or the other members who are asked to assist, almost no What resistance is shown to the implementation of the "overall", however, remains puzzling: armed struggle may indeed require the transformation of the participating subjects, but why must it be murderous?

With no apparent disputes among members, it seems that we can only attribute the tragedy to the result of some collective dynamic. In her book "Ideology to Death: The Japanese Red Army Sect" published in 1991, American sociologist Patricia Steinhoff focused her analysis on organizational forms and environmental factors in base life. . In her opinion,"Summary" is similar to a kind of "consciousness raising" - members who are present together organize themselves and motivate each other in order to achieve spiritual enhancement. This practice is widely used in mutual drug and alcohol rehabilitation associations, patient associations and even weight loss groups in European and American societies. However, if used improperly, self-awareness-enhancing activities will gradually get out of control and eventually lead to dire consequences. Steinhoff believes that there are three factors that cause such a loss of control to inevitably occur in mountain bases. First, the leaders lacked the experience of organizing such activities. Guided by lofty goals, the leadership group headed by Mori Heao and Nagata Yoko kept asking the subjects to conduct deeper and more thorough self-examination, and none of the other members had any role to step on the brakes, and the level of violence continued to intensify. one-way street. Secondly, the connotation of its general goal is too vague, and there is no objective standard by which to judge whether it is achieved or not. In actual events, Sen Hengfu never recognized anyone who passed the "summary" test and successfully achieved the goal, so once asked to "summarize", it was basically equivalent to issuing a death sentence. Third, the closed environment of the mountain base also promoted the long-term continuation of the incident. Members who are willing to leave worldly ties and participate in mountain bases are generally highly loyal to the organization. Even if there were escapees in the middle, no one surrendered or informed before the incident. Therefore, the environment of the mountain base is completely isolated from the world, and no external force may intervene to prevent the continuous fermentation of abnormal conditions.

(the cover of Iwanami Modern Bunko Edition "Ideology to Death - The Japanese Red Army School")

In addition, Steinhoff also pointed out that Japan's emphasis on coordination and emphasis is based on the comparison with the United States. How a submissive organizational culture can exacerbate the situation over and over again. These analyses capture how interaction patterns and environmental factors ultimately contribute to the tragedies of serial killings. However, these analyses do not reveal what kind of coercive ideals or concepts the members are fighting against themselves and each other in taking such an extreme form of struggle. The famous Japanese thinker Karatani Kyoto has actively participated in the "Socialist Student Alliance" (referred to as "Soxuetong", which is a student organization under the Communist Alliance, and the Red Army faction is a faction split from the Communist Alliance. )activity,After being impacted by the Allied Red Army incident, he wrote "On Macbeth" to explore how the ideas and values ​​universally pursued by human beings will gradually become externalized and become a firm shackle that controls people's behavior and even their lives. However, contrary to the title of "Ideology to Death", Steinhof does not really explore the idea of ​​playing with the lives of members in applause, so it is difficult to help people reflect on whether they are still in these situations. in an invisible cage.

(cover of the library edition of "Their United Red Army - Subculture and Post-War Democracy")

2. Identity Conflict in Premature Performances

This problem was partially overcome in later research . Different from Steinhof's perspective of organizational sociology and comparative culture, literary critic Eiji Otsuka, in his 1996 book "Their Allied Red Army - Subculture and Postwar Democracy", focused on the incident. Implicit Times and Gender Conflicts. In particular, Otsuka focused on Yoko Nagata, the only female member of the leadership group. As the leader of the "Leftist Leftists", Nagata became the second person after Mori Hengfu after the formation of the United Red Army, and actively supported and participated in the "overall" activities led by Mori. During the long trial and verdict of the case later, Nagata became the biggest bearer of all the accusations in the public opinion during the long trial process of the case, as Mori Hanguo hanged himself in prison before the initial public trial in 1973. In media reports and popular culture, Nagata is portrayed as a hysterical woman with a inferiority complex about her appearance. The formation of this kind of understanding came from her attack on Mieko Toyama, the first general object. Yuanshan is a veteran member of the Red Army faction, and has a strong personal relationship with the core cadre Chongxin House. According to the memories of the members, Nagata severely criticized Toyama after the joint military training of the two factions, accusing her of treating the training as a child's play, and still maintaining the habit of applying lipstick and makeup in the mountains, and even fiddling with her hair during meetings. The spiritual consciousness of revolutionary fighters. Under the interpretation of public opinion, Nagata's behavior was out of her envy and even hatred of Yuanshan's appearance. In fact, this kind of accusation against the members of the former Red Army faction contained the element that Nagata, the leader of the former Revolutionary Left, was trying to secretly compete with the other faction at a radical level.However, in such a "game of cowards", Sen Hengfu was never willing to give in half a point. He immediately decided to carry out an overview of the distant mountains, and since then he has opened the twelve paths of life leading to death.

(The scene where Nagata (second from left in the back row) criticizes Toyama (first from the left in the front row) in Takaji Wakamatsu's movie "Joint Red Army")

In the various reports of the incident in the mass media, "Ugly, Evil, Good and Jealous" The antagonistic images of "Nagata, the female devil" and "the beautiful and kind-hearted innocent girl Yuanshan" have become deeply rooted in the hearts of the people. Even as a public authority, the trial court, which should have adopted neutral language, also used the language of "female-specific stubbornness, vicious nature and sadism" in Nagata's death sentence to describe the latter, and immediately Protested by feminist groups. Otsuka questioned this image of Nagata through careful exploration of public information.

Otsuka started from the illustrations included in Nagata's book "Sequel to the Tomb of the Sixteenth". These illustrations are all hand-painted by Nagata in prison. In addition to the daily scenery, they also include the facsimiles of Yamato Kazuki's manga "The Tale of Genji" and past ukiyo-e works. Otsuka, who is also a manga critic, pointed out that these works generally reflect the innocent and lovely "girl style (otome チック)", and the style of painting is very similar to the " Flower No. 24 Group" that was popular in the 1970s and 1980s. "Shoujo manga works. Such a painting full of femininity is actually created by the leader of an ultra-left organization and participated in the killing of 12 members of the "Demonic Head". Such a huge contrast is puzzling. So, where did people's cognition go wrong?

(part of the illustrations in Nagata's work)

Otsuka pointed out that in the course of his growth, Nagata, on the one hand, was influenced by left-wing radical revolutionary theories, but he also had a similar The "year group" cartoonists have a similar growth environment, that is, the Japanese mass society in the 1960s with high economic growth and rapid material prosperity. In this process, women were able to break free from the shackles of the traditional patriarchal community to a certain extent, gain independence and awaken their gender awareness in the consumption activities of the market, and then have the opportunity to join the left-wing movement. Therefore, the unrestrained and flamboyant femininity reflected in the shoujo manga that blossomed in the 1970s and 1980s,In fact, it has already taken root in the consciousness of new left-wing female members such as Nagata and Yuanshan.

In the book "Find "Myself" Game ("Private" Quest しゲーム - Desire for Private People's Society)", the sociologist Ueno Chizuruko once recorded a historical image: In 1970, there was a The photo of a radical female student who was arrested by the police while participating in a street fight immediately sparked heated discussions among the public. Unlike the stereotype people might have of student activists, the athletic student who was arrested at the time wore a pair of toad mirrors, knee-length boots, a miniskirt under his arm, and a It was the women's fashion magazine "an·an", which was just launched at that time, and it seemed to be a trend-setter. In Ueno's view, it is true that this kind of attire may be deliberate, perhaps a disguise to blend in with the market, but the parties are undoubtedly happy with these popular things. This is the kind of zeitgeist shared by the female members of the mountain base.

In Otsuka's view, gender issues account for a large proportion of the factors that trigger events, perhaps to a greater extent than the parties themselves realize. Unlike the "Red Army faction" whose members are mostly from elite schools and have a strong masculinity, the "Leftist faction" led by Nagata mostly has women from medicine and nursing schools. As many as 9 out of the 19 former "Revolutionary Leftists" members who participated in the Shanyue Base were women, while only one of the 10 former "Red Army factions" was Yuanshan. In terms of ideology , the ideology of "revolutionary leftists" also clearly includes the pursuit of women's independence. However, no matter which group of female members, in fact, they have already experienced the baptism of commercial culture, and formed their own identity based on this, but they did not have the language named for them at that time, but recognized the organization's response to this problem based on the revolutionary concept. Repression of "petty-bourgeois habits". Toyama, who was asked to "blank" because of concerns about his appearance (lipstick, hairdo), is a prime example. The same is true for several other female members of the group who were killed by the group. Judging from the personal impressions stated by other members, these are women with a "cute (kawaii)" personality and a strong "girly" impression, but because of this, they have become the hardest hit areas. For example, when Kazuko Kojima confessed to her past experience of being raped in self-criticism,He was accused of talking too much about the surrounding scenery at that time, and the tone was too girlish. On the other hand, Setsuko Ohtsuki was asked to do a "summary" because she confessed that "I used the funds raised from the event to buy flared pants without permission". These actions, which support the awakening of women's self-identity, are regarded as social habits of consumption that need to be overcome in the context of Shanyue Base. And due to the lack of words to justify their self-awareness, the female members themselves admit that the problem lies in their petty-bourgeois inferiority, so there is little resistance to the general requirements, such self-entanglement and mutual entanglement around the concept, leading to the tragic massacre. Repeatedly.

If the criticism of "petty-bourgeois sex" suppresses women's self-consciousness at the time of awakening, then Mori Heifu's criticism of them cannot simply be regarded as "destroying one's own interests and serving the public", but contains a disgust for women's sex. with exclusion. After the union of the two factions, Sen, after being stimulated by the feminist ideas advocated by the "revolutionary leftists", also publicly stated at the meeting to "reflect on women's issues that he has not been able to fully think about", but immediately stated, " But women will bleed during menstruation, isn't that disgusting?" and further thought that "there is no need to wear a menstrual belt, just wipe it with newspaper when menstrual blood is flowing." Such a straightforward expression of disgust for menstrual blood exposes Mori's misogyny is deeply rooted in biology.

In Otsuka's view, similar to the female members infiltrated in the new era, Mori's unique misogyny also shows that he is different from the previous masculine. The majority of male members of the United Red Army discriminate against women by despising their personalities and dwarfing their bodies as objects of pure desire. It is reflected in the "summary" of female members, that is, they will be abused with sexually related obscene language during the "assistance summary" (this will be severely reprimanded by Nagata), and Mori Heifu is due to the cherishing of women. Fear and disgust on a biological level, thus rejecting female sexuality "as a sexual body". What Sen seeks to exclude in asserting his overarching goal is not only the consumer society habits described above, but also the sexually lusting female body.

Based on this, Otsuka believes that Mori is a character who prematurely has an otaku-style concept of the opposite sex in the 1980s. Similar to Morihiro, otaku do not objectify women as objects of sexual desire, but on the contrary, they are often afraid of real women. When they are keen to consume cartoons with vulgar tastes,Rather, they are merely satisfying their own private tastes in a closed symbolic space. By the 1990s, the second dimension had become a subcultural realm flooded with sexually explicit merchandise, which has also sparked criticism from feminists time and time again. However, in Otsuka's view, such criticism fails to understand the spiritual structure in which otaku culture was established. In the mountain base, there is a complete misalignment between Mori's "overall" goal of "excluding the body as an object of sexual desire" and the female members' demands to "oppose the objectification of women", which is exactly what the later "otaku VS women's rights" The original form of the opposite event.

3. Doubts and refutations of Otsuka's research

Otsuka's research is not content to stay at the level of organizational form, but to directly attack the ideas and mental contradictions that lead to conflict. Moreover, this analytical framework involves the differences between different eras (“political era” and consumer society), gender, and even between individuals of the same gender, showing the various aspects contained in the event. In the subsequent discussions, although there were occasional criticisms of this work, in the author's opinion, these criticisms did not accurately grasp the rich connotation of Otsuka's research. For example, Xiaoxiong Eiji pointed out in "1968" that Otsuka attributed the cause of "summary" to the consumer culture internalized by female members, but only 4 of the 12 dead members were women, and Otsuka did not analyze the male members who died of "summary". Is it out of the same logic. However, Otsuka did not claim that the opposition of the cultural mentality of the sexes was the only factor causing the incident. And in Otsuka's analysis, the role of the changing times and gender awareness was not limited to the "overall" deaths of the four women, but shaped Morihiro and Yoko Nagata, who dominated the death of all 12 members. Overall activity. The above has introduced the characteristics of the otaku-style heterosexuality that Mori Heifu appeared prematurely. As for Otsuka's analysis of Yoko Nagata, a few more words may need to be added to deal with other criticisms.

In a recent panel titled "From Revolution to "Ram Sauce", critic Hiroshi Higashi differentiated Yoko Nagata's personality traits from other cheerful, "cute (kawaii)" female members Come. Hiroki Higashi believes that Nagata is serious and upright by nature, and is not good at words in front of the opposite sex. In Nagata's articles, he always admits that he doesn't understand love.And will directly connect the most personal issues of love to abstract revolutionary discourse. Therefore, Dong Haoji used his commonly used terminology to refer to Nagata as a "world system" character. This is because Dong Haoji's definition of "world system" works is, typically like "Your Name", the personal love relationship depicted in it will not go through the middle term (society) and relate to the whole "world crisis" , the "End of Humanity" issue is directly connected. Nagata recalled his serious reflections on women's liberation during his participation in the movement, and he was concerned about the "lovable" female members who had tamed the patriarchal order. Hiroshi Higashi therefore criticized Otsuka's research for failing to detect Nagata's uniqueness from others. However, this is also a misreading of Otsuka's point of view, and it is revealed that Dong Haoji will only bring the object into his own inherent thinking frame, and has no intention of going out and trying to understand the other. In fact, Otsuka's writings spend a lot of time analyzing Nagata's unique character traits, and that lies in the overriding and repression of "successful aspirations" over "girlish aspirations". Nagata grew up in a typical postwar Japanese family analyzed by critic Jun Eto, consisting of a group of "unpromising fathers" and "unhappy mothers." Because of the husband's failure in social competition, the wife is discouraged and desperate for her husband, and turns all her hopes on the success of the next generation. Nagata grew up with his mother's "don't be like your dad" nagging voice, and was sent to a private high school with high-class children with high hopes, and gradually formed a competitive and competitive character. This not only led her to the idea of ​​radical social change, but also formed her repression of the gradually awakening female identity in her own consciousness. This contradictory character creates his tragic role in the event, that is, he is unwilling to be left behind and adds to the level of violence of the "overall". Although it is impossible to agree with Sen's comprehensive denial of femininity in concept, the will to win that "a good woman does not lose to a man" makes Nagta have to show positive support for the transformation of "きょうさんしゅぎか" The female members who showed their weakness hated that iron could not become steel, so they actively participated in the omnibus activities.

Epilogue

Looking back at today's era, which has been proclaimed as "farewell to the revolution", the United Red Army incident is becoming more and more incomprehensible due to the alienation of its context. However, as demonstrated in the studies reviewed in this article,This is actually an event of our own time. The contemporary revelation of its tragic end lies in how we can drive social change while also acknowledging each other's varied and polymorphic ways of being. It is true that in the era that followed, the consumer society has completely changed the field of value, and established a set of identity systems based on symbolic consumption, or a series of parallel objects distinguished by "recharge for belief". universe. In it, a joint Red Army-style conflict does not seem to take place, and various identities can coexist peacefully. However, in fact, what this situation has brought about is the intensification of the fragmentation and the polarization of opposites between different value systems, and will intermittently lead to identity conflicts such as "feminist" VS "otaku". Otsuka's research tells us that this kind of confrontation has already occurred in the mountain base, but the authoritarian organizational model and the lack of female identity discourse make the conflict eventually lead to "left-wing warriors" versus "petty bourgeois sentiment", or "male". The total repression of "feminineness" by "sex".

But perhaps identity conflict is not inevitable. Today, we may have the opportunity to reflect on the identity system shaped by the consumer market, which always imagines individuals as innately holding certain identities or preferences, rather than being able to dynamically shape their own ideas in democratic dialogue. exist. Yet if we reshape discussion and practice spaces based on principles of openness, equality, and respect, it may be possible to create an alternative mechanism through which all groups can advance mutual understanding and self-reflection, and drive general cultural change.

[1] (the full name is "Student Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy", it is a student political group established in 2015, and its members are mostly university students from all over the country. Based on the purpose of constitutional democracy, SEALDs oppose Abe The Jinsan regime violated the information confidentiality and militarization bills in the spirit of the Constitution, and regularly organized protest marches in front of the Prime Minister's residence. Disbanded in 2019.)

Editor in charge: Wu Qin

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